Thursday, 15 February 2018

Ethiopia prime minister Hailemariam Desalegn resigns



Hailemariam Desalegn says he has submitted his resignation as both Ethiopia's prime minister and chairman of the country's ruling coalition.
Hailemariam's announcement comes amid a political crisis and lingering unrest in the Horn of Africa country, which has been releasing thousands of political prisoners to ease tensions.
"Unrest and a political crisis have led to the loss of lives and displacement of many," Hailemariam said in a televised address on Thursday.
"I see my resignation as vital in the bid to carry out reforms that would lead to sustainable peace and democracy," he said.
Hailemariam added, however, that he will stay on as prime minister in a caretaker capacity, until the ruling Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) and the country's parliament accept his resignation and name a new premier.

Al Jazeera's Mohammed Adow, reporting from Doha, said parliament will meet on Friday to choose Hailemariam successor, Adow said, noting that Ethiopian Foreign Minister Workneh Gebeyehu is considered to be a leading candidate for the position.
"If they choose a candidate from either of the two main groups who have been protesting for most of the past three years, the Oroma and the Amhara, then it will be interesting to see how they are going to appease the other group that they leave out of this coalition," he said.
Hundreds of people have died in a wave of violence across Ethiopia, initially sparked by an urban development plan in the capital, Addis Ababa, in 2015.
The unrest spread as demonstrations against political restrictions and human rights abuses broke out.
http://www.aljazeera.com/news/2018/02/ethiopia-prime-minister-hailemariam-desalegn-resigns-180215115215988.html

Monday, 12 February 2018

Ethiopia: Anti-government protest in Shashamene, Oromia region



General strike and anti-government protests are underway in Ethiopia’s Oromia region. The following raw video footage is from Shashamene (West Arsi Zone, Oromia Region, Ethiopia).


Ethiopian political prisoners and their accounts of torture



The Association for Human Rights in Ethiopia (AHRE) is pleased to announce the launch of its 2nd report, “Ethiopian political prisoners and their accounts of torture”. This report aims to provide an overview of the prison situation in Ethiopia, with a special focus on the different forms of abuses prisoners are subjected with in different prisons in Ethiopia.
In the past three years, following the protests in different parts of the country, mainly in Amhara and Oromia regions, the number of detainees has dramatically soared, that in turn augmented the reports of abuse in Ethiopia’s prisons. Furthermore, detainees accused of burning Qilinto prison have also reported to suffer torture during interrogations, mainly to extract forced confessions that implicate the detainees to the crime. Many have testified in court to enduring varying degree of abuses at the hands of security officers. The abuses include beatings; verbal, physical and psychological harassment; solitary confinement; denying medical access etc.
This report documents and brings to attention some of the abuses and ill-treatments committed against prisoners detaineed in recent years, mainly following Amhara and Oromo protests, and those charged for allegedly setting Qilinto prison ablaze. In addition, the report also takes a closer look at investigations conducted by Ethiopian Human Rights Commission, under the court’s order, and discusses the findings and its implications.

Managing Ethiopia’s Political Crisis



Managing Ethiopia’s current political crisis requires going beyond democratic reform and instead thinking about the political economy and institutions that shape elite competition along ethnic lines.
By Goitom Gebreluel & Biniam Bedasso (Al Jazeera) | *Nemera Mamo is a co-author of this article. He is a teaching fellow at SOAS, University of London.
Ethiopia has been experiencing recurrent mass protests, riots and ethnic conflicts over the past two years that have claimed the lives of thousands and displaced hundreds of thousands.
These events have led observers and members of the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) to conclude that the very survival of the Ethiopian state is at stake.
State collapse is so far an extreme and unlikely scenario given that the conflicting parties are internal actors in the system and have a vested interest in its survival. A more likely but still dangerous scenario is a long-term vicious cycle of political conflict and economic stagnation that cripples state and society.
Much of Ethiopia’s appeal to global investors lies in the high-level political commitment to economic growth. Political instability risks eroding the hard-won economic gains it has registered over the past decade.
Analysts and the international community have often attributed the current crisis either to Ethiopia’s ethnonational federal system or the near total curtailment of political space since the disputed parliamentary elections in 2005.
While political liberalism is a moral imperative on its own accord – and long overdue – it is, nevertheless, an insufficient solution to the political quagmire that the Ethiopian state finds itself in. The ethnonational federation is also not the primary source of the problem, and its abolishment is neither desirable nor a realistic proposition.
The government’s response to the problem has also been inadequate. It has primarily attributed this to corruption and a stalled democratic process. Based on this diagnosis it has taken important yet inadequate measures such as releasing political prisoners, initiating dialogue with opposition groups and demoted officials.
Managing Ethiopia’s current political crisis requires going beyond democratic reform and instead thinking about the political economy and institutions that shape elite competition along ethnic lines. The two most important reform measures that should be embarked upon immediately in this regard are devolving more power to the regional states in accordance with the Constitution and de-ethnicising elite competition at the federal level.

Time to Repeal Anti-Terrorism Law in Ethiopia



Ethiopia’s so called economic development policies have not only ignored but enabled and exacerbated civil and human rights abuses in the country.
By Anuradha Mittal |
Oakland, CA (IPS)―With the African Union celebrating the African Year of Human Rights at its 26th summit, at its headquarters in Addis, Ethiopia, the venue raises serious concerns about commitment to human rights.
Ethiopia’s so called economic development policies have not only ignored but enabled and exacerbated civil and human rights abuses in the country. Case and point is the ongoing land grabbing affecting several regions of the country. Under the controversial “villagization” program, the Ethiopian government is forcibly relocating over 1.5 million people to make land available to investors for so called economic growth. Since last November, the country’s ruling party, EPRDF’s, “Master Plan” to expand the capital Addis has been the flashpoint for protests in Oromia which will impact some 2 million people. At least 140 protestors have been killed by security forces while many more have been injured and arrested, including political leaders like Bekele Gerba, Deputy Chairman of the Oromo Federalist Congress, Oromia’s largest legally registered political party. Arrested on December 23, 2015, his whereabouts remain unknown.
Political marginalization, arbitrary arrests, beatings, murders, intimidation, and rapes mark the experience of communities around Ethiopia defending their land rights. This violence in the name of delivering economic growth is built on the 2009 Anti-Terrorism Proclamation, which has allowed the Ethiopian government secure complete hegemonic authority by suppressing any form of dissent.
A new report, Ethiopia’s Anti-Terrorism Law: A Tool to Stifle Dissent, by the Oakland Institute and the Environmental Defender Law Center, authored by lawyers including representatives from leading international law firms, unravels the 2009 Proclamation. It confirms that the law is designed and used by the Ethiopian Government as a tool of repression to silence its critics. It criminalizes basic human rights, like the freedom of speech and assembly. Its definition of “terrorist act,” does not conform with international standards given the law defines terrorism in an extremely broad and vague way, providing the ruling party with an iron fist to punish words and acts that would be legal in a democracy.
The law’s staggering breadth and vagueness, makes it impossible for citizens to know or even predict what conduct may violate the law, subjecting them to grave criminal sanctions. This has resulted in a systematic withdrawal of free speech in the country as newspaper journalists and editors, indigenous leaders, land rights activists, bloggers, political opposition members, and students are charged as terrorists. In 2010, journalists and governmental critics were arrested and tortured in the lead-up to the national election. In 2014, six privately owned publications closed after government harassment; at least 22 journalists, bloggers, and publishers were criminally charged; and more than 30 journalists fled the country in fear of being arrested under repressive laws.
The law also gives the police and security services unprecedented new powers and shifts the burden of proof to the accused. Ethiopia has abducted individuals from foreign countries including the British national Andy Tsege and the Norwegian national, Okello Akway Ochalla, and brought them to Ethiopia to face charges of violating the anti-terrorism law. Such abductions violate the terms of extradition treaties between Ethiopia and other countries; violate the territorial sovereignty of the other countries; and violate the fundamental human rights of those charged under the law. Worse still, many of those charged report having been beaten or tortured, as in the case of Mr. Okello. The main evidence courts have against such individuals are their so-called confessions.
Some individuals charged under Ethiopia’s anti-terrorism law are being prosecuted for conduct that occurred before that law entered into force. These prosecutions violate the principles of legality and non-retroactivity, which Ethiopia is bound to uphold both under international law as well as the Charter 22 of its own constitution.
A few other key examples of those charged under the law, include the 9 bloggers; Pastor Omot Agwa, former translator for the World Bank Inspection Panel; and journalists Reeyot Alemu and Eskinder Nega; and hundreds more, all arrested under the Anti-Terrorism law.
It has been a fallacious tradition in development thought to equate economic underdevelopment with repressive forms of governance and economic modernity with democratic rule. Yet Ethiopia forces us to confront that its widely celebrated economic renaissance by its Western allies and donor countries is dependent on violent autocratic governance. The case of Ethiopia should compel the US and the UK to question their own complicity in supporting the Ethiopian regime, the west’s key ally in Africa.
Given the compelling analysis provided by the report, it is imperative that the international community demands that until such time as Ethiopian government revises its anti-terrorism law to bring it into conformity with international standards, it repeals the use of this repressive piece of legislation.
Case and point is the controversial resettlement program under which the Ethiopian government seeks to relocate 1.5 million people as part of an economic development plan. Research by groups including the Oakland Institute, International Rivers Network, Human Rights Watch, and Inclusive Development International, among others, as well as journalists.
Perhaps there is hesitation to confront this because it would implicate the global flows of development assistance that make possible rule by the EPRDF. Receiving a yearly average of 3.5 billion dollars in development aid, Ethiopia tops lists of development aid recipients of USAID, DfID, and the World Bank. Staggeringly, international assistance represents 50 to 60 per cent of the Ethiopian national budget. Evidently, foreign assistance is indispensable to the national governance. At the face of this dependency, the Ethiopian government exercises repressive hegemony over Ethiopian political and civil expression.
It is the responsibility of international donors to account for the political effects of development assistance with thorough and consistent investigations and substantive demand for political reform and democratic practices as a condition for sustained international aid. This will inevitably mean a new type of Ethiopian renaissance, one that seeks the simultaneous establishment of democratic governance and improving economic conditions. ▄

Eskinder Nega, Andualem Arage and Abebe Kesto Refused to Sign ‘False Confession’ Paper for Pardon




Journalist Eskinder Nega and opposition leaders Andualem Arage and Abebe Kesto were among 746 prisoners set for release, but they refused to sign letters of pardon from the government.
By Tsion Tadesse (VOA) |
Ethiopian journalist Eskinder Nega and two prominent opposition figures have refused to sign letters of pardon from the government, holding up their planned release from prison.
Eskinder and opposition leaders Andualem Arage and Abebe Kesto — all critics of the government — are among 746 prisoners set for release following an announcement Thursday by Ethiopia’s attorney general.
But Eskinder’s wife, Serkalem Facil, has told VOA’s Horn of Africa Service that her husband declined to sign the letter of pardon because it states he was a member of Ginbot 7, a political organization banned in Ethiopia.
“Eskinder, Andualem and others were summoned by prison officers. They were asked to sign a form saying they are members of the Ginbot 7 movement as a precondition for their release,” Serkalem said. “Eskinder refused to sign the form, saying that he is not a member of the organization. So, I know there is no deal.”
Fantu Aragie, the sister of Andualem Arage, said her brother and Abebe Kesto also refused to sign the pardon letter.
“The three of them refused to ask the government for a pardon. In fact, they informed them that the government should ask them for a pardon,” she said.
All three men remained in prison Friday.
The majority of the prisoners set to be freed were arrested on charges of terrorism, inciting violence or religious extremism. Human rights groups say the arrests were, in fact, aimed at silencing opponents and critics of Ethiopia’s de facto one-party state.
Continue reading this story at VOA News



Sunday, 22 May 2016

Press statement on Patriots-Gonbot 7 Movement for Unity and Democracy discussion and fund raising event on June 4, 2016 in Oslo, Norway.


Dceson PR

We are very pleased to announce this grand event and cordially invite all Ethiopians and friends of Ethiopia to it. The purpose of the event is to hold discussions on the current status of the struggle the Patriots-Ginbot 7 movement is carrying out and raise funds to support and strengthen it. Our struggle for democracy,freedom social justice and unity in Ethiopia has been gaining momentum and has now reached its critical stage.

 It is clear to all of us that the struggle to get rid of the anti-democratic, fascistic and repressive rule of the Tigray People`s Liberation Front ( TPLF) and pave the way for a genuinely democratic political system needs the active participation and united actions of all citizens. Therefore, cognizant of the need for a broader mobilization, and massive participation in the struggle, the Patriots-Ginbot7 movement as it has always been doing, calls on all Ethiopians to discharge their national duties through taking direct part in the struggle  or contribute and support it in all the ways they prefer and with the means at their disposal. Therefore, it is our firm belief that to be a bystander at this critical moment in the struggle is tantamount to rendering tacit support to the dictatorial and fascist rule of the TPLF and failure to shoulder national responsibility.



The patriots including the leadership, committed and capable intellectuals have joined the patriotsin the fronts/bushes and are involved in and conducting armed operations and resistance against the TPLF forces. Those who have not been able to join the armed struggle are playing their supporting roles through their financial contributions and offering their know hows/experise.

 Although victory is ievitable, we are aware of the fact that the struggle is ardous and demanding because we are fighting against the TPLF regime that is in total control and possession of the available domestic and external resources. The regime has a narrow support base and rejected in the country. Thus in the anticipation of the massive Public uprising agianst it, it has been diverting and misusing the meager resources of the country to build an extensive and ever pervasive security apparatus and military force, whose primary task is to supress citizens, consolidate and prolong its hold on power.



The regime does enjoy economic and diplomatic support from the major western powers  despite its egregious violations of human rights. including attacks, paralysing and suppression the opposition. On the other hand, our popular struggle relies on the financial contributions and supports of country loving Ethiopians. We acknowledge that this self reliance (dependence on the fainancial contributions of Ethiopians) is our source of self confidence, pride and strength, it is imperative to urge all freedom loving Ethiopians to make continuous contributions and supports to strengthen the struggle and achieve victory.

 It is to this end that a grand discussion and fund raising event that includes and represents the Nordic countries in Europa is organized and will take place in Oslo Norway on the 4th of June 2016. In this Nordic wide event, the leader of Patriots-Ginbot7 Movement for Unity and Democracy Dr. Berhanu Nega, will travel from the front and join and address the participants on the struggle. Moreover.

 the event presents a unique opportunity to reflect on the struggle and ecxhange views and opinions. It is organized by the task force whose members are drawn from the Nordic countries with the Democratic Change in Ethiopia Support Organizatioin in Norway (DCESON) playing the roles of host and coordination. Country loving Ethiopians from the Nordic countries will be expected to attend the event and it is open to all Ethiopians and friends of Ethiopia coming from all parts of the world.

The task force calls on  all Ethiopians living in the Scandinavian countries and around to participate and contribute to the struggle. Moreover, the task force urges Ethiopians who can not attend the event to make their contributions in all the ways they wish and can

Guest: Dr. Berhanu Nega from the front in Eritrea.
Date: June 4, 2016
Time: Starting from 14;00 (2:00 p.m.)
Place: to be announced soon.
Long Live Ethiopia.
The Democratic Change in Ethiopia Support Organization in Norway (DCESON).
22 May-- 2016. Oslo Norway



Monday, 3 August 2015

How the “War on Terror” Stole Democracy in Ethiopia


August 1, 2015
How the “War on Terror” Stole Democracy in Ethiopia: Dispelling the myth of the US claim as a “guardian of liberty and freedom” in the world

by Alem Mamo

“It would be unjust and deplorable for foreign powers to intervene and frustrate the Salvadorian people, to repress them and keep them from deciding autonomously the economic and political course that our nation should follow.”


  • Archbishop Oscar Romero, 1980


“The greatest weapon in the hands of an oppressor is never his guns and armies, but the mind of the oppressed.”


  • Steven Biko
“It is counterproductive to hold Ethiopia up as a model of good governance when the current government has created one of the most oppressive regimes in Africa and has largely shut down civil society and the independent media. It is questionable, however, whether progress on economic indicators can be sustained as long as a repressive one-party government, largely representing a minority group, continues to exercise power by force” —The Irish Times

Once upon a time, not too far in the distant past, countering the expansion and influence of the USSR was the most important driving force of US foreign policy. It is in this context that the Cold War “friendly state” list included the most brutal and corrupt authoritarian regimes who committed heinous acts of genocide, mass murder, and crimes

 against humanity. The list of such brutal regimes include Suharto of Indonesia, Mobutu Se Se Seko of Zaire (now the Democratic Republic of Congo), General Augusto Pinochet of Chile, and during the Vietnam War, the US administration supported and collaborated with Vice-President General Nguyen Cao Ky of South Vietnam, who idolized Adolf Hitler as his hero. Even, the most degrading and appalling white supremacist regime in Apartheid South Africa was an ally of the West, while Nelson Mandela, the giant of human dignity, freedom, and justice, was marked as a “terrorist.” These are just a few; the list is long and full of despots with abhorrent human rights records and bloody legacies.

In South and Central America, paramilitary death squads, mostly trained and supported by the US government, roamed the streets, villages, and towns terrorizing, raping, killing, and maiming innocent civilians. Millions have fallen victim around the world in the raging blaze of the Cold War. In Africa, Asia, South, and Central America, countless mass graves hold the open secrets and bleeding wounds of many nations. In El Salvador, for instance, the pain and suffering of the Salvadorian people was remembered recently at a ceremony of the beatification of the man they called “the voice of the voiceless,” Archbishop Oscar Romero, an ordinary man with an extraordinary dedication and unwavering service to the poor, the marginalized, and neglected.

On February 17, 1980, Archbishop Romero wrote a letter to President Jimmy Carter lamenting the US government’s collaboration with the military junta in El Salvador and its impact on the Salvadorian people: “I am very concerned by the news that the government of the United States is planning to further El Salvador’s arms race by sending military equipment and advisors to ‘train three Salvadoran battalions in logistics, communications and intelligence.’ If this information from the papers is correct, instead of favoring greater justice and peace in El Salvador, your government’s contribution will undoubtedly sharpen the injustice and the repression inflicted on the organized people, whose struggle has often been for respect for their most basic human rights.”

President Carter never responded to Archbishop Romero’s letter. A week later, on March 24, 1980, the humble servant of the people, Monseñor Archbishop Oscar Romero, was assassinated while he was celebrating mass. His dedication to the poor and marginalized was so pure and creative that the Archbishop began to read the names of those who were snatched from their homes by paramilitary forces: the desaparecido – the disappeared, as they became to be known. Such a simple act of weekly reading of the names on the radio reached into every household in El Salvador infuriating the military junta. His legacy and commitment continues to inspire many around the world.

While most countries are still trying to recover from the Cold War trauma, the so called “War on Terror” has emerged as the sequel of this tragic chapter in human history. The US and the West once again have forged an alliance with murderous regimes who do not flinch for a second from terrorizing and murdering their own people. Regimes, who do not have an ounce of legitimacy from the people they proclaim to rule, have been endorsed and applauded by the West for their “outstanding contribution in the fight against terror.” Such utter neglect and cruel brutality endorsed and oiled by the West is nowhere more evident than in Ethiopia. For the last twenty four years, the people of Ethiopia endured the most horrendous and indiscriminate form of brutality.

As many international human rights organizations reported torture, extrajudicial killings, and disappearances under the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) ethno-kleptocratic regime are daily occurrences. Civil society and independent media outlets are effectively shut down. Journalists are risking their lives to tell the truth. Elections are held under tight control of the ruling elite where opposition leaders and members are arrested and intimidated. For example, in the most recent election, the regime declared itself 100% “winner” effectively becoming the first in Africa to win 100% of the seats. It is worth noting that the well-established percentage of victory in Africa is often between 94- 99%; the TPLF regime’s 100% election “victory” is unfamiliar to most authoritarian regimes on the continent. And yet, the US and the West continue to call such a regime “democratically elected” ignoring the cries of the people. President Obama’s lavish praise for such brutal regime has left many bewildered and shocked.

Thwarting democracy in the name of fighting terror is not only wrong and misguided, it could have multiple negative implications in the long run. First, it actually submits to the objectives of terror groups, such as Al-Shabab, who are committed to disrupting and blocking the establishment of secular, free, and democratic systems in the region. In this regard, they have effectively stifled the democratic aspirations of the Ethiopian people. Second, US and Western policy of collaborating with the TPLF ethno-kleptocratic regime is already radicalizing different groups in Ethiopia forcing them to give-up on peaceful and non-violent struggle and opt for other forms of resistance. As humiliation, lack of economic and social mobility, and political exclusion escalates, citizens will risk their lives to reclaim their dignity and humanity. This inevitable path, presents dangerous and horrifying scenario with regional and continent wise ramifications.

The twentieth century, in terms of human warfare, was the bloodiest and the most violent century in history. In what Jose Marti called the “hour of the furnaces,” Oscar Romero, Mahatma Gandhi, Nelson Mandela, Desmond Tutu, Martin Luther King Jr., and many others accompanied those who were in the sights of the men with guns. In their unwavering commitment, they made the journey full of hope with anticipation of better future. They made the journey and the struggle stronger as they burned brighter. Who would be the ones who will follow in the path of these giants of the 20th century and shine a light on what already appears to be a violent and tumultuous century. Once again, the call has gone out for a leadership not only to lead, but also to listen to the pain and anguish of those excluded in the current global political and economic order. Those who say “this is not about me” will emerge as true leaders. Those who proclaim the role of “après moi, le deluge” will take citizens into the edge of the abyss – a new century old fight for freedom, justice and democracy.

So, how many more innocent civilians have to die? How many more journalists have to endure imprisonment and torture? How many peaceful pro-democracy activists have to be killed in broad day light? How many children must grow up without parents? How many more mass graves have to be discovered? How many more mothers have to bury their children killed by TPLF security forces? How much blood? How many more lives must we lose before the world wakes up and says enough!

Alem6711@gmail.com

Sunday, 2 August 2015

ኦባማ ስለዴሞክራሲ አልተናገረምን?


source reporter 

ኦባማ ኬንያንና ኢትዮጵያን ጐብኝቶ ወደ አገሩ ተመልሷል፡፡ ጉብኝቱ ታሪካዊ ነበር፡፡ በሥልጣን ላይ እያሉ ኢትዮጵያን የጐበኙ የመጀመሪያው የአሜሪካ ፕሬዚዳንት ናቸው፡፡

የአገራቱን ከ100 ዓመታት በላይ የቆየ ግንኙነት ላሰበ ጉብኝቱ የራሱ የሆነ አዎንታዊ አንድምታ አለው፡፡ ኦባማ ኬንያንና ኢትዮጵያን እንደሚጐበኙ ከተገለጸበት ጊዜ ጀምሮ የዴሞክራሲና የሰብዓዊ መብት ጥያቄዎች መነሳታቸውን አስተውለናል፡፡ በውጭ አገር ያሉ የሰብዓዊ መብት ተቋማት ፕሬዚዳንቱ በዴሞክራሲና የሰብዓዊ መብት አከባበር በጐ መዝገብ የሌላቸውን አገሮች መጐብኘታቸው አገራቸው ለዴሞክራሲያዊ መሠረታዊ መርሆች ያላትን የላላ አቋም ያሳያል በሚል እንዳይጐበኙም የወተወቱ አልጠፉም፡፡ በዚህ ረገድ የሚቀርቡት ትንተናዎች አገሮች ከዴሞክራሲና ከሰብዓዊ መብት ያለፈ በሌላ ዘርፈ ብዙ መስኮች ግንኙነት የማይኖራቸው ወይም የሌላቸው ያስመስለዋል፡፡ የአሜሪካ መንግሥት አቋምንም ብንመለከት እጅግ የባሰ የሰብዓዊ መብት አያያዝ ችግር ያለባቸውንም አገሮች ፕሬዚዳንቱ ግንኙነታቸውንም ጉብኝታቸውንም አላቋረጡም፡፡

በርማ፣ ኢራን፣ ቻይና ለዓይነት የሚጠቀሱ ናቸው፡፡ አቅጣጫው እየጐበኙ እየተነጋገሩ መፍታት በርቀት ተቀምጦ ከማውገዝም የተሻለ ይሆናል እንደማለት ሳይሆን አይቀርም፡፡ 


ፕሬዚዳንቱ ሁለቱን አገሮች (ኢትዮጵያንና ኬንያን) በጐበኙበትም ወቅት ብዙዎች ዋናው አጀንዳ የዴሞክራሲና የሰብዓዊ መብት ሁኔታዎች ሊሆን እንደሚችል ጠብቀዋል፡፡ ይህንንም ተከትሎ ከአገሮቹ የሁለትዮሽ ምክክር በኋላ በተሰጠው ጋዜጣዊ መግለጫ ተቃዋሚዎች ፕሬዚዳንቱ በአገሪቱ የሚታየውን የዴሞክራሲና የሰብዓዊ መብት ችግር ተቃዋሚዎችን ጨምሮ ከመምከር ይልቅ ለገዥው ፓርቲ በዴሞክራሲ ሒደት መመረጡን በማወጅ ምስክርነት ሰጥተዋል በሚል አለመርካታቸውን ገልጸዋል፡፡ በውጭ አገር ያሉ አንዳንድ የመገናኛ ብዙኃን ፕሬዚዳንቱ ለዴሞክራሲያዊ መርሆች ተገቢውን ቦታ ባለመስጠት በኢትዮጵያ ያለውን ሁኔታ እንዲቀጥል እውቅና የሰጠ ጉዞ ስለመሆኑ በተቃውሞ ጽፈዋል፡፡

የፕሬዚዳንት ኦባማ የኢትዮጵያ ጉዞ በሦስት ዋና ዋና ነጥቦች ላይ ያተኮረ እንደነበር በገለጻውም፣ በዝግጅቱም ወቅት ተረድተናል፡፡ የንግድና ኢንቨስትመንት፣ የደኅንነትና ሰላም ግንባታ እንዲሁም ዴሞክራሲና የሰብዓዊ መብት አያያዝ ናቸው፡፡ በቤተ መንግሥት ከተደረገው ጋዜጣዊ መግለጫ ለመረዳት እንደሚቻለው የሁለቱ አገሮች መሪዎች በሦስቱም ነጥቦች ላይ በዝርዝር መምከራቸውን ሲሆን፣ ስለዴሞክራሲና ሰብዓዊ መብት በግል በስፋት መነጋገራቸውን ከመግለጽ ባለፈ በይፋ የተገለጸ ምስጋና ወይም ውግዘት አልተመለከትንም፡፡ 

ኦባማ በቅኔ መልክ “I believe that when all voices are being heard, when people know that they are included in the political process that makes a country stronger and more successful and more innovative” በማለት መናገራቸው በሁለቱ መሪዎች ውይይት ጊዜ ስለዴሞክራሲና ሰብዓዊ መብት መነጋገራቸውን ግን ለመገናኛ ብዙኃን በዝርዝር የቀረበ ነገር አለመኖሩን ያመላከተ ነው፡፡ በጥያቄና መልስ ክፍለ ጊዜ ፕሬዚዳንቱ ከፎክስ ኒውስ ጋዜጠኛ ኬቨን ኮርክ በኢትዮጵያ ያለውን የሰብዓዊ መብት ሁኔታና የኢኮኖሚና የደኅንነት የአሜሪካ ፍላጐትን ሚዛናዊ በሆነ መልኩ ማስተናገድ ይቻላል ወይ? ተብለው ተጠይቀዋል፡፡ ፕሬዚዳንቱም ለጥያቄው ውስጠ ወይራ የሆነውን መልሳቸውን ሲሰጡ ‹‹ከአገሮቹ ጋር የጋራ በሆኑ ጉዳዮችና ፍላጎታችን ላይ አብረን እንሠራለን፡፡ ከቻይናና ከሌሎች አገሮች ጋር በመረጃ ነፃነትና በመሰብሰብ መብት ላይ ያለን አስተሳሰብ ባይመሳሰልም መነጋገሩን እንቀጥላለን፡፡ 

ይህ የውጭ ፖሊሲያችን አካል ነው፤›› በሚል አገራቸው በኢትዮጵያ ላይ በየዓመቱ የምታወጣው የሰብዓዊ መብት ሪፖርት ቢኖርም በመነጋገር ወደፊት ማሻሻል እንደሚቻል የሚያምኑ እንደሆኑ መረዳት ይቻላል፡፡ 
ዴሞክራሲንና ሰብዓዊ መብትን በተመለከተ ፕሬዚዳንት ኦባማ በዝርዝር የተናገሩት ለአፍሪካ መሪዎች ባደረጉት ንግግር ነው፡፡ በቤተ መንግሥቱ ከተደረገው ውይይት በላይ በአፍሪካ ኅብረት ፕሬዚዳንቱ ያደረጉት ንግግር በቀጥታ ለሕዝብም የደረሰ፣ ለዴሞክራሲና የሰብዓዊ መብት አያያዝ ሰፊ ቦታ የሰጠ ነው፡፡

ሰሚ ካለ አገራችንን ጨምሮ ለሁሉም የአፍሪካ አገሮች የአኅጉሪቱን ችግሮች በግልጽና በማስረጃ በመግለጽ አብራርተዋል፡፡ ይህን መነሻ በማድረግ አንዳንዶች ፕሬዚዳንቱ ስለንግድና ደኅንነት ተናግረው ዴሞክራሲና ሰብዓዊ መብትን አጽንኦት ሳይሰጡ ሄደዋል ለሚለው ትችታቸው ተገቢ መልስ የሰጠ ይመስላል፡፡ እንደ ጸሐፊው እምነት በአፍሪካ ኅብረት አዳራሽ ያደረጉት የፕሬዚዳንቱ ንግግር ለአፍሪካ መሪዎችና ለአፍሪካውያን የዴሞክራሲንና የሰብዓዊ መብትን መርሆችና አፈጻጸማቸውን ሀሁ ያስተማረ ትንተና ነበር፡፡ የንግግራቸውን የተወሰኑ ክፍሎች በማንሳት ፕሬዚዳንቱ ኢትዮጵያን ጨምረው በዴሞክራሲ ላይ የሰጡትን ትችት እንመልከት፡፡


የሙስና ነቀርሳ መስፋፋት

እንደሚታወቀው በማንኛውም ዴሞክራሲን እከተላለሁ በሚል አገር ኅብረተሰቡ ከልማት ተጠቃሚ እንዳይሆን የሚያደርገው ሙስና ነው፡፡ ፕሬዚዳንቱ በንግግራቸው አፍሪካውያን ሕፃናት ትምህርት እንዳያገኙና የሥራ ዕድል ለወጣቱ እንዳይደርስ የሚያደርገው ሙስናን ‹ነቀርሳ› በሚል የገለጹት ሲሆን፣ አፍሪካውያን ችግሩን ራሳቸው እንዲቀርፉ አሳስበዋል፡፡ አንድ አፍሪካዊ ንግድ ለመጀመር ወይም ትምህርት ለመማር ጉቦ የሚጠየቅ ከሆነ ይህ ‹አፍሪካዊ ዘይቤ›› አይደለም በማለት በሁሉም አገሮች ሙስና ቢኖርም በአፍሪካ ያለው የወጣቶች ሥራ እንዳይፈጠር፣ ትምህርት ቤትና ሆስፒታል እንዳይሠራ የሚከለክል በመሆኑ የከፋ መሆኑን አስምረውበታል፡፡ ፕሬዚዳንቱ በኬንያ ባደረጉት ንግግር የችግሩን አስከፊነት በማስረጃ አቅርበዋል፡፡ በቅርቡ የተደረገ ጥናትን በመጥቀስ በኬንያ በየዓመቱ የሚፈጸመው ሙስና 250,000 ኬንያውያንን የሥራ ዕድል ያሳጣ መሆኑን ገልጸዋል፡፡ በሙስና ለተዘፈቁት ብዙ የአፍሪካ መሪዎች ኦባማ ሙስና ዴሞክራሲን ያቀጨጨና ሕዝብን በልማት እንዳይጠቀም ያደረገ መሆኑን መግለጻቸው የጉብኝታቸው አንዱ አዎንታዊ ሥራ ነው፡፡

የዴሞክራሲ መርሆች እንዲከበሩ ጠይቀዋል

ፕሬዚዳንቱ የአፍሪካ ዕድገት በዴሞክራሲ ላይ ሊመሠረት እንደሚገባ በመግለጽ አፍሪካውያን እንደ ሌሎች ሕዝቦች ሁሉ በአገራቸውና በሕይወታቸው የሚፈጸሙትን ኩነቶች የመቆጣጠር የክብር መብት ሊኖራቸው እንደሚገባ ተናግረዋል፡፡ ነፃና ፍትሐዊ ምርጫ፣ የመናገር መብት፣ የመረጃ ነፃነት መብትና የመሰብሰብ መብት የዴሞክራሲያዊ መርሆች አካል በመሆናቸው በአፍሪካ እንዲከበሩ ጠይቀዋል፡፡ አንዳንድ የአፍሪካ አገሮች የዴሞክራሲን መሠረት መገንባት በመጀመራቸው ሊመሰገኑ እንደሚገባ በመግለጽ ለብዙኃኑ አፍሪካውያን ግን መደበኛ ምርጫ ከመደረጉ ውጪ የእውነት ዴሞክራሲ የራቀ መሆኑን በንግግራቸው እንደሚከተለው ገልጸዋል፡፡ 

“I have to proclaim, democracy is not just formal elections. When journalists are put behind bars for doing their jobs or activists are threatened as governments are crack down on civil society then you may have democracy in name but not in substance” በማለት ጋዜጠኞችን ለሚያስሩ፣ የሲቪል ማኅበራትን በዴሞክራሲያዊ ሥራ እንዲሳተፉ ለሚከለክሉ መንግሥታት ልክ ልካቸውን ነግረዋል፡፡ ይህ ንግግር አገራችንን አይመለከትምን? እንደሚመለከት ለማስረዳት ከዚህ ሐሳብ ጋር አያይዘው ፕሬዚዳንቱ ከኢትዮጵያው ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር ጋር ባደረጉት ንግግር ያለ ሁከት ምርጫ ማድረግ የዴሞክራሲ መጀመሪያ መሆኑን እንደገለጹ ጋዜጠኞች በነፃነት ካልሠሩና ተቃዋሚዎች በምርጫ ቅስቀሳ ካልተሳተፉ አገሪቷ የሕዝቧን አቅም በመጠቀም ዴሞክራሲዋን ማሳደግ እንደማትችል ገልጸዋል፡፡ ሰሚ ካለ ችግሩን በግልጽ ተናግረው ሄደዋል፡፡


ሰብዓዊ መብትና ሕገ መንግሥታዊነት 

ፕሬዚዳንቱ በንግግራቸው ሰብዓዊ መብት ሰው ከመሆን የሚገኝ ተፈጥሮአዊ መብት እንጂ የምዕራባውያን ሐሳብ አለመሆኑን በማስመር አፍሪካውያን በእኩልነት፣ በክብርና በነፃነት የመኖር መብታቸው ሊከበር እንደሚገባ ተናግረዋል፡፡ የአፍሪካውያን ዕድገት በሰብዓዊ መብት መከበር ላይም የሚመሠረት መሆኑን አውቃችሁ የዜጐቻችሁ በተለይም የሴቶችንና የሕፃናትን ሰብዓዊ መብት ለማክበር ሥሩ ሲሉ በአጽንኦት መሪዎቹን መክረዋል፡፡

ፕሬዚዳንቱ አንዳንድ አፍሪካዊ ባህሎች በጠንካራ ሞራል ላይ እንድንመሠረት የሚያደርጉ በመሆናቸው ይዘናቸው ልንቀጥል እንምንችል በመግለጽ ከዕድገት ወደኋላ የሚያስቀሩንን ልማዶች የሴት ልጅ ግርዛትና ያለዕድሜ ጋብቻን የመሰሉን ልማዶች ማስቀረት እንደሚገባ ገልጸዋል፡፡ የጸሐፊው ፍርኃት ፕሬዚዳንቱ ሰብዓዊ መብትን መነሻ በማድረግ የተመሳሳይ ጾታ ግንኙነትን ዲስኩር ሊጀምሩ መስሎት ቢጨነቅም አፍሪካ መሆኑን በአግባቡ ተረድተው ዝምታን መርጠዋል፡፡ በቅርቡ በአገራቸው ፍርድ ቤት የተመሳሳይ ጾታ ጋብቻ እውቅና ሲያገኝ ደስታቸውን እንደገለጹ ሁሉ አፍሪካንም ለመበከል አለመነሳታቸው ያስመሰግናቸዋል፡፡


ድርጊቱ ወንጀል በሆነባት፣ ምንም የሞራል ውድቀት መነሻ በማይሆንባትና ባህሎቿና የተለያዩ ሃይማኖቶች የሚጸየፉትን ድርጊት የሰብዓዊ መብት አድርጎ ለማቅረብ የሚያስችል ከባቢ አየር አለማግኘታቸው ፕሬዚዳንቱን ተስፋ ሳያስቆርጣቸው አልቀረም፡፡ በኬንያ ባደረጉት ንግግር ጾታዊ አመለካከትን (Sexual orientation) መሠረት አድርጐ የሚደረግ መድልኦ እንዲቀር ለማሳሰብ ቢጥሩም ኡሁሩ ኬንያታ ‹‹ይህ እኛን የሚመለከተን፣ ኬንያውያንን የሚያሳስብ ችግር›› ባለመሆኑ እንዲተውት መክረዋቸዋል፡፡


ከሰብዓዊ መብት ጐን ለጐን ኦባማ ባነሱት የሕገ መንግሥታዊነት (Constitutionalism) መርህ አፍሪካውያን መሪዎች ለዘመናት በሥልጣን ላይ ለመቆየት ሕገ መንግሥቱን ማሻሻል እንዲያቆሙና ብዙ ተስፋ ላላቸው ወጣት መሪዎች ሥልጣን እንዲለቅቁ መክረዋል፡፡ የራሳቸውን ተሞክሮ በማንሳት ‹እኔ ለሦስተኛ ጊዜ ብመረጥ አሸንፋለሁ፣ ሥራውንም እወደዋለሁ፡፡ ነገር ግን ሕገ መንግሥቱ አይፈቅድልኝም፡፡ ሕግ ሕግ ነው፡፡ ፕሬዚዳንትም ቢሆን ከሕግ በላይ አይደለም፤›› በሚል ሥልጣን ሙጭጭ ለሚሉ የአፍሪካ መሪዎች ሥልጣን በሕግ መሠረት ከአንዱ ወደ ሌላው እንዲተላለፍ የብሩንዲን ምሳሌ በመጥቀስ አስረድተዋል፡፡ ኔልሰን ማንዴላና ጆርጅ ዋሽንግተን በሥልጣን በነበሩበት ጊዜ በሠሩት ሥራ ሳይሆን ሥልጣናቸውን ለተተኪው በሰላም በማስተላለፋቸው ለዘመናት ሲወሱ እንደሚኖሩ ተናግረዋል፡፡ የሥልጣን ጉዳይ የሕይወት መጨረሻ ለሚመስላቸው ብዙ የአፍሪካ መሪዎች የሚዋጥ ባይሆንም ኦባማ ግን መናገር ያለባቸውን እውነት ለአኅጉሪቱ መሪዎች ተናግረው ሄደዋል፡፡

ኦባማ ከሄዱ በኋላስ?

ኦባማ በአፍሪካ ኅብረት ያደረጉት ንግግር ታሪካዊና አሜሪካ በአፍሪካ ላይ ልትከተለው ያሰበችውን መርሐ ግብር የገለጠ ነው፡፡ ዴሞክራሲንና ሰብዓዊ መብትን በተመለከተ ፕሬዚዳንቱ አፍሪካውያን በክብር፣ በሕይወትና በነፃነት የመኖር መብታቸውን አስረግጠው ተናግረዋል፡፡ የአፍሪካ መሪዎችን ዴሞክራሲን በስም ብቻ እንዳይከተሉ፣ ከሥልጣን በሰላም እንዲወርዱና የራሳቸውን ሕገ መንግሥት እንዲያከብሩ፣ ከሙስና ርቀው ለወጣቶቻቸው ተስፋ እንዲሠሩ፣ የዜጐችን የመናገር፣ የመረጃ ነፃነት፣ የመሰብሰብና የሴቶችንና የሕፃናትን መብት እንዲያከብሩ በአጽንኦት አሳስበዋል፡፡ በአፍሪካ ያሉትን ችግሮች በዝርዝር ተናግረዋል፡፡ የአፍሪካ መሪዎችም በእያንዳንዱ ንግግራቸው አጨብጭበዋል፣ አሜን ይሁንልን ብለው ተቀብለዋል፡፡

ከዚህ አንፃር የንግድና የደኅንነት ጉዳዮችን ያህል አይግነን እንጂ በሰብዓዊ መብትና ዴሞክራሲ ላይም እንደሚገዳቸው የአሜሪካው ፕሬዚዳንት አሳይተውናል፡፡


ኦባማ የወከሉት አሜሪካን እንደሆነ ሁሉ የየአገሮቹ መሪዎች የወከሉት የአገራቸውን ሕዝቦች ነውና በአደባባይ የገቡትን ቁርጠኝነት በቀጣዮቹ ወራት ሊያሳዩን ይገባል፡፡ የእኛው ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትርም ኬቨን ኮርክ ኢኮኖሚያችሁ ያደገውን ያህል አገሪቷ የሰብዓዊ መብት ጥሰትን ትታገሳለች የሚል አመለካከት አለ እርስዎ ምን ይላሉ? ብሎ ለጠየቃቸው ጥያቄ መልስ ሲሰጡ ‹‹አገራቸው ለዴሞክራሲ ጀማሪ  መሆኗን በመግለጽና ያለብንን ገደቦች ስለምናውቅ ለሕዝባችን የተሻለ ለመሥራት እንተጋለን፤›› ብለዋል፡፡ ይህ መንግሥት ያለበትን ቀጣይ ሥራ ያወቀና የተገነዘበ መሆኑን አመላካች ነው፡፡

የአንዲትን አገር ዴሞክራሲያዊነት ማጠናከርና የሰብዓዊ መብትን ሁኔታ ማሻሻል በዋናነት የመንግሥት ግዴታ ነው፡፡ ከዚህ አንፃር የኢትዮጵያ መንግሥት ጀማሪ ዴሞክራሲያዊነትን ሁልጊዜ እንደመከላከያ ሳይቆጥር በተጨባጭ ሁኔታዎች እንዲለወጡ መሥራት ይጠበቅባታል፡፡ የአሜሪካ ድርሻ ከዚህ አንፃር እንደ ጓደኛና አጋር በመሆኑ ክፍተቱን ለመሙላት ብቻ እንደሚሠራ መጠበቅ ተገቢ ነው፡፡ ኦባማ የአገሪቱ ዴሞክራሲ ለውጥ የለውምና አሻሽሉ፣ የበጐ አድራጐትና የፀረ ሽብርተኝነት ሕጉ የዜጐችን የሰብዓዊ መብት ስለሚገድብ ለውጡ፣ አፈጻጸሙንም ከሰብዓዊ መብት ጋር እንዳይጣረስ ሥሩ፣ የታሰሩት ጋዜጠኞችና የተቃዋሚ ፓርቲ አባላት እንድትፈቱ፣ ወዘተ የሚል መግለጫ እንዲሰጡ የጠበቁ ወገኖች ትክክለኛ አቋም እንዳልነበራቸው   ጸሐፊው ያምናል፡፡ ቻይና ባለችበት ዓለም አንዳንዴ ለአሜሪካ ከዴሞክራሲ በላይ ንግድ ሊያሳስባት ይችላል፡፡ 

በተመሳሳይ ሁኔታ ሽብርተኛ ባለበት ዓለም ደግሞ ከዴሞክራሲ በላይ ደኅንነት ሊያሳስባት ይችላል፡፡ ያም ሆኖ ግን የአሜሪካ መንግሥት በየጊዜው ስለአገራችን የሰብዓዊ መብት አያያዝን በተመለከተ የሚያወጡት ሪፖርት ኦባማም የሚያውቀው፣ በጽሑፍም የሚገኝ በመሆኑ የዴሞክራሲና የሰብዓዊ መብት ሁኔታው በአገራችን እንዲሻሻል በቀጣይነት ተፅዕኖ አያደርጉም ማለት ሞኝነት ነው፡፡ በአሁኑ ጉዞአቸውም ቢሆን ፕሬዚዳንቱ በግል ከተናገሩት በተጨማሪ በአደባባይ ምርጫ ማድረግ ብቻ ዴሞክራሲያዊነት ባለመሆኑ የተቃዋሚ ድምፆች እንዲሰሙ፣ ጋዜጦችና የሲቪል ማኅበራት ተሳትፎ እንዲጨምር አሳስበው ሄደዋል፡፡


አገራችን ይህን አጋጣሚ እንደ በጐ ዕድል በመጠቀም የዴሞክራሲያዊ ሥርዓቱን ለማሻሻል የሚያስችሉ ዕርምጃዎች በቀጣይነት እንደምትወስድ ተስፋ ማድረግ የዋህነት አይሆንም፡፡ ምንም ተቃዋሚ ፓርቲ ባልተወከለበት መጪው ምክር ቤት የተቃዋሚዎችን በአገራዊ ጉዳዮች ላይ ያላቸውን ተሳትፎ ማረጋገጥ፣ ለፕሬስ ነፃነትና ለሕግ የበላይነት መሥራት በተለይም አገሪቱ ተቀብላ ያፀደቀችውን ብሔራዊ የሰብዓዊ መብቶች የድርጊት መርሐ ግብር አፈጻጸምን መገምገም ፈጣን ዕርምጃ መውሰድ  በቀጣይ ከአገራችን የሚጠበቅ ሥራ ይመስለኛል፡፡ ይህንን ካደረግን የኢኮኖሚ ዕድገቱ ያለሰብዓዊ መብቶችና የዴሞክራሲያዊ መርሆች መስዋዕትነት እንዳልመጣ ለዓለም እንመሰክራለን፡፡ ገጽታችንንም እንቀይራለን፡፡  
ከአዘጋጁ፡- ጽሑፉ የጸሐፊውን አመለካከት ብቻ የሚያንፀባርቅ መሆኑን እየገለጽን፣ ጸሐፊውን በኢሜይል አድራሻቸው getukow@gmail.com ማግኘት ይቻላል፡፡