overnment ownership of major resources including land, Internet, denial of access to technology, and being landlocked remain as a major road block to rapid economic growth

Ethiopia needs an industrial policy that will move it from an agrarian society to a technology driven society. The normal course was from Agriculture, to manufacturing, and industrialization, but with the right leadership, technology makes it possible to move to technological society by skipping all the other steps and create a higher standard of living.
 

Technology or reengineering has been the most important productivity tools for economic growth, however, like land it is controlled by the government.  In Ethiopia technology is primarily used for spying on Ethiopians and blocking websites.
 

Access to technology is correlated to a higher standard of living for current and future generation. Government ownership of major resources including land, denial of access to technology, being landlocked remains as a major road block to rapid economic growth.
 

Land ownership of the state is not for any altruistic reason, it is primarily to manipulate the political currents and to keep the majority of Ethiopians who rely on agriculture a hostage.
 

Despite creating these roadblocks, Meles has stated that the Ethiopian economy will grow 11-14.5 % in the next five years. No landlocked country or no country in Africa, especially a country estranged within by lack of free market, lack of access to technology, respect for property rights and human rights or forced into tribal polarization can enjoy such phenomenal economic growth.
 

According to data provided by Meles to the CIA and World Bank, Ethiopia’s GDP per capita was close to $100 in 1991 when Meles starting ruling the country. Now, it is reported to be $324,  better than a threefold increase which is much better than many countries in Asia.  For example, China’s growth is driven by manufacturing, technology and education, but in Ethiopia access o technology or manufacturing has not changed much for the last 20 years. Education has lost ground with the introduction of ethnic education, where the majority of ethnic groups are encouraged or forced to use their own ethnic language without requiring them to learn the official language or English; a recipe for disintegration of the country.
 

How did Meles got away with such statistical absurdity. My guess that he was adept in charming world leaders from Tony Blair to Jimmy Carter, and built a PR machine at home and abroad using the meager funds the country ill afford. Like other dictators he will fall from grace and his true achievement will be dissected and he will be castigated as one of the worst and strange dictators that ever ruled Ethiopia.
 

It will be easy to compare Meles with another evil genius, Leopold II of Belgium who committed murder and looting of the Congo from 1865-1909. Leopold II was the most brutal ruler of Congo; he controlled a country many times the size of Belgium as his personal domain through his private army, like Meles. Unlike Meles, he was eventually forced to end his evil rule after the conscience of the Western world could not bear it any more. Meles passed away still charming and fooling the Western world.
 

Despite Meles or TPLF rhetoric about transforming Ethiopia, the country remains one of the failed states, as demonstrated by its ranking of 174 among 180 countries in terms of human development index.

In the end – Meles may be called just a dictator par excellence with extraordinary charm, and wit, but with a terrible legacy for Ethiopia to deserve an accolade accorded to him by his western allies.
 

Dula Abdu writes on economics, technology and real estate and he can be reached at dula06@gmail.com. He was a former JPMorgan Chase banker and currently an Adjunct Professor of Economics at Texas Southern University. The article was an adaption of from an original piece entitled  ”Evil Genius…”

Human Rights

            

Guerilla Economics  - Hard to Understand

Dictator Meles and former Marxist guerilla leader may be providing western media including Bloomberg with bogus economic data. Recently, Bloomberg compared Ethiopia with the BRIC nations(Brazil, Russia, India and China) as possessing one of the fastest growing economies.  Given the current institutional constraints, such as  government control of the major means of production,  including housing stocks, all land, Internet etc. , it will be highly improbable if not impossible for the Ethiopian economy to enjoy the same growth like the BRIC nations. Unlike China or India, direct investment in Ethiopia is limited by the Ethiopian Diaspora or foreigners because of the high risk the country poses due to the lack of rule of law, which is manifested in the need sometimes to pay protection money to government agents and  often to members of Meles tribe.
 

Claims that the Ethiopian economy will grow  10-14.5% per annum in the next five years , much higher than the achievement of the BRIC nations  is highly improbable  for a country like Ethiopia. There are many reasons why the Ethiopian economy cannot enjoy similar or faster growth than the BRICs, because the current regime denies Ethiopians access to technology, voluntarily made Ethiopia land locked,  and provides no property rights or rule of law to protect  investors.  These factors discourage Ethiopia from achieving rapid economic growth. Of course, the injunction of ethnocentrism also causes the misallocation of resources and inhibits the free flow  of capital to its efficient destination with in Ethiopia.
 

BRIC nations can brag for growing their economies  with demonstrable benefits to their citizens such as job growth and  capital formation,  instead of imposing  price control and throwing business owners to jail as is the case in Ethiopia.  This is what some call truly dictatorial economics, where the ruler controls everything; land, Internet, cell phone, etc. , but assigns blame when the economy starts to stumble.
 

Dictator Meles claims that the Ethiopian economy will double in 5 years, that would require the economy to grow at or above 14.5% a year with zero inflation or if one were to include the current inflation level, the economy has to grow by 29% per annum, an economic feat never achieved before.  
 

For the last 20 years  Meles promised  free and fair election to appease international donors and to bring hope to the suffering people of Ethiopia, but when people voted to oust him in past elections, he used bullets to silence them.  So his economic projection of doubling the economy in the next five years may be another way  to prolong his rule with a false promise.  For the last 20 years, the Ethiopian economy grew on average  3.6%, significantly lower than other developing countries.
 

 Currently, Ethiopians are going through a severe economic situation, as in the past,  Meles is blaming the business community instead of his own wrongheaded policy, this includes the balkanization of Ethiopia,  lack of property rights, lack of access to technology, lack of transparency, and rule by an ethnic minority that also raises the risk premium against any investment in Ethiopia.
 

Meles’ attempt to control inflation using price control misses the point. The price control strategy as witnessed in the U.S. in the 70′s under president Nixon does not work.  Now the regime is engaged in the blame game with its faltering economy. The government is lashing out on defenseless businesses by taking their property and throwing them in to the dungeon. Hardly a solution to a seriously flawed economic policy pursued for the last 20 years  with state control of the vital organs of the economy and printing money, which is the primary cause of inflation in the absence of real economic growth and productivity.
 

Retired opposition leader and former World Bank director, Bulcha Demeksa described recent government price control measures as “classical dictatorial” response to a failed economic policy.
 

Meles has refused to do the obvious despite the advise of the international community and sometimes of his own advisors, free the economy from the shackles of state control and establish  property rights and the rule of law.
 

In many economies, the government sector is one of the smallest and the least contributor to economic growth. The Marxist regime believes otherwise.
 

The Ethiopian people should stop buying  government  propaganda such as blaming businesses instead of the economic policy  promoted by Meles, which is driving prices and misallocating resources.
 

Ethiopian businesses and consumers need to rally against the farce and dictatorial economy of Meles and his ploy to  blame others instead of his failed and flawed economic policy to avoid unnecessary bloodshed and conflicts among Ethiopians.  It is also well known that  Ethiopians continue to suffer  drowning in the Indian Ocean or getting killed in refugee camps fleeing this draconian dictatorship.
 

 The current regime, besides denying the Ethiopian people their basic human rights, may also denying them the opportunity to create a viable economic system for current and  future generations to come.  What is going on in Ethiopia under the current dictatorship some argue being equivalent to undeclared war on liberty and the very survival of the Ethiopian people and the Ethiopian nation.
 

Dula Abdu, a real estate and investment consultant and a former banker, and adjunct professor of economics.  He can be reached at dula06@gmail.com or www.ethiodemocrat.com

Ethiopia 2012: Human Rights and Government Wrongs [ALMARIAM]

 

In December 2008, I wrote a weekly commentary lamenting the fact that 2008 was “Groundhog Year” in Ethiopia:

It was a repetition of 2007, 2006, 2005, 2004… Everyday millions of Ethiopians woke up only to find themselves trapped in a time loop where their lives replayed like a broken record. Each “new” day is the same as the one before it: Repression, intimidation, corruption, incarceration, deception, brutalization and human rights violation… They have no idea how to get out of this awful cycle of misery, agony, despair and tribulation. So, they pray and pray and pray and pray… for deliverance from Evil!

 

It is December 2012. Are Ethiopians better off today than they were in 2008, 2009, 2010, 2011?

Does bread (teff) cost more today than it did in 2008…, a year ago? Cooking oil, produce, basic staples, beef, poultry, housing, water, electricity, household fuel, gasoline…?

 

 

 

Are there more poor people in Ethiopia today than there were in 2008? More hunger, homelessness, unemployment, less health care, fewer educational opportunities for young people?

Is there more corruption and secrecy and less transparency and accountability in December 2012 than in December 2008?

 

Are elections more free and fair in 2012 than in 2008?

Are there more political prisoners today than in 2008?

Is there less press freedom and are more journalists in prison today than in 2008?

Is Ethiopia more dependent on international handouts for its daily bread today than it was in 2008?

Is there more environmental pollution, habitat destruction, forced human displacement and land grabbing in Ethiopia today than 2008?

Is Ethiopia today still at the very bottom of the U.N. Human Development Index?

The Evidence on Government Wrongs in Ethiopia in 2012

Human rights violations in Ethiopia continue to draw sharp and sustained condemnation from all of the major international human rights organizations and other legal bodies. In 2012, the ruling regime in that country has become intensely repressive and arrogantly intolerant of all dissent and opposition. The regime continues to trash its own Constitution, sneer at its international legal obligations and thumb its nose at its critics. Though some incorrigible optimists hoped a post-Meles regime would open up the political space, reach out to opposition elements and at least engage in human rights window dressing, the nauseating litany of those who are falling head over heels to fit into Meles’ shoes has been “there will be no change. We will (blindly) follow Meles’ vision…” In other words, 2013, 2014, 2015… will be no better than 2012 or 2008.

The evidence of sustained and massive official human rights violations in Ethiopia is overwhelming and irrefutable. Let the evidence speak for itself.

 

 

The U.S. State Department Country Reports on Human Rights Practices in Ethiopia (May 2012) concluded:

The most significant human rights problems [in Ethiopia] included the government’s arrest of more than 100 opposition political figures, activists, journalists, and bloggers… The government restricted freedom of the press, and fear of harassment and arrest led journalists to practice self-censorship. The Charities and Societies Proclamation (CSO law) continued to impose severe restrictions on civil society and nongovernmental organization (NGO) activities… Other human rights problems included torture, beating, abuse, and mistreatment of detainees by security forces; harsh and at times life-threatening prison conditions; arbitrary arrest and detention; detention without charge and lengthy pretrial detention; infringement on citizens’ privacy rights, including illegal searches; allegations of abuses in connection with the continued low-level conflict in parts of the Somali region; restrictions on freedom of assembly, association, and movement; police, administrative, and judicial corruption

…

Human Rights Watch concluded: 

Ethiopian authorities continued to severely restrict basic rights of freedom of expression, association, and assembly. Hundreds of Ethiopians in 2011 were arbitrarily arrested and detained and remain at risk of torture and ill-treatment. Attacks on political opposition and dissent persisted throughout 2011, with mass arrests of ethnic Oromo, including members of the Oromo political opposition in March, and a wider crackdown with arrests of journalists and opposition politicians from June to September 2011. The restrictive Anti-Terrorism Proclamation (adopted in 2009) has been used to justify arrests of both journalists and members of the political opposition…

Freedom House concluded:

Ethiopia is ranked Not Free in Freedom in the World 2012, with a score of 6 for both political rights and civil liberties. Political life in Ethiopia is dominated by the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), which was led by Prime Minister Meles Zenawi from 1995 until his death in August 2012. May 2011 federal and regional elections were tightly controlled by the EPRDF; voters were threatened if they did not support the ruling party, and opposition meetings were broken up while leaders were threatened or detained. The EPRDF routinely utilizes

 

 

 

the country’s anti-terrorism laws to target opposition leaders and the media. Parliament has declared much of the opposition to be terrorist groups and has targeted journalists who cover any opposition activity. Media is dominated by state-owned broadcasters and government-oriented newspapers. A 2009 law greatly restricts NGO activity in the country by prohibiting work in the area of human and political rights and limiting the amount of international funding any organization may receive. This law has neutered the NGO sector in the country. The judiciary is independent in name only, with judgments that rarely deviate from government policy.

 

 

Amnesty International urged that the “government of Ethiopia should see the succession of Meles as an opportunity to break with the past and end the practice of arresting anyone and everyone who criticizes the government.”

 

A group of U.N. Special Rapporteurs (an independent group of investigating experts authorized by the United Nations Human Rights Council) in 2012 issued public statements condemning the ruling regime for its indiscriminate use of the so-called anti-terrorism law to suppress a broad range of freedoms and for flagrantly perpetuating and sanctioning human rights violations.

 

 

Maina Kiai, the U.N. Special Rapporteur on the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and of association, concluded, “The resort to anti-terrorism legislation is one of the many obstacles faced by associations today in Ethiopia. The Government must ensure protection across all areas involving the work of associations, especially in relation to human rights issues.”

 

 

Ben Emmerson, the U.N. Special Rapporteur on counter-terrorism and human rights warned that “the anti-terrorism provisions should not be abused and need to be clearly defined in Ethiopian criminal law to ensure that they do not go counter to internationally guaranteed human rights.”

Frank La Rue, the U.N. Special Rapporteur on freedom of expression stated that “Journalists play a crucial role in promoting accountability of public officials by investigating and informing the public about human rights violations. They should not face criminal proceedings for carrying out their legitimate work, let alone be severely punished.”

 

Margaret Sekaggya, the U.N. Special Rapporteur on human rights defenders criticized that “journalists, bloggers and others advocating for increased respect for human rights should not be subject to pressure for the mere fact that their views are not in alignment with those of the Government [of Ethiopia].”

Gabriela Knaul, the U.N. Special Rapporteur on the independence of judges and lawyers argued that “Defendants in a criminal process should be considered as innocent until proven guilty as enshrined in the Constitution of Ethiopia… And it is crucial that defendants have access to a lawyer during the pre-trial stage to safeguard their right to prepare their legal defence.”

 

 

On December 18, 2012, 16 members of the European Parliament issued a public letter to Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn “expressing grave concern over the continued detention of journalist and blogger Eskinder Nega”. In the letter, the members reminded Desalegn to comply with his “government’s obligation to respect the right to freedom of expression as established under customary international law and codified in Article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, to which Ethiopia is a party.”

The Regime Must Cease and Desist All Unlawful Interference in the Exercise of Religious

Freedom

 

Article 11 of the Ethiopian Constitution mandates “separation of state and religion” to ensure that the “Ethiopian State is a secular state” and that “no state religion” is established. Article 27 prohibits “coercion by force or any other means, which would impair his freedom to have or to adopt a religion or belief of his choice.”

 

 

Despite clear legal obligations to respect the religious liberties of citizens, the ruling regime in Ethiopia has played fast and loose with the rights of Muslim citizens to select their own religious and spiritual leaders. According to the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom, an independent body constituted by the Congress and the President of the United States to monitor religious freedom worldwide:

 

Since July 2011, the Ethiopian government has sought to impose the al-Ahbash Islamic sect on the country’s Muslim community, a community that traditionally has practiced the Sufi form of Islam. The government also has manipulated the election of the new leaders of the Ethiopia Islamic Affairs Supreme Council (EIASC). Previously viewed as an independent body, EIASC is now viewed as a government-controlled institution. The arrests, terrorism charges and takeover of EIASC signify a troubling escalation in the government’s attempts to control Ethiopia’s Muslim community and provide further evidence of a decline in religious freedom in Ethiopia. Muslims throughout Ethiopia have been arrested during peaceful protests: On October 29, the Ethiopia government charged 29 protestors with terrorism and attempting to establish an Islamic state

 

.

The regime must conform its conduct to the requirements of its Constitution and international legal obligations and cease and desist interference in the free exercise of religion of Muslim citizens. All citizens unlawfully arrested and detained in connection with the peaceful protest of unlawful deprivation of religious liberty must be released forthwith.

All Political Prisoners Must be Released

 

The number of political prisoners has yet to be fully documented in Ethiopia today. While human rights organizations have focused on multiple dozens of high profile political prisoners, there are in fact tens of thousands of ordinary Ethiopians who are held in detention because of their beliefs, open opposition or refusal to support the ruling regime. All political prisoners must be released immediately.

 

 

In a broader sense, there are two types of political prisoners in Ethiopia today. There are prisoners of conscience and prisoners-of-their-own-consciences. The prisoners of conscience are imprisoned because they are dissidents, opposition party leaders and journalists. They have done no legal or moral wrong. In fact, they have done what is morally and legally right. They have told the truth. They have spoken truth to power. They have stood up to injustice. They have defended freedom, democracy and human rights by paying the ultimate price with their lives and liberties. They can be set free by the stroke of the pen.

 

 

The prisoners-of-their-own-consciences became prisoners by committing crimes against humanity in the first degree with the lesser included offenses of the crimes of ignorance, arrogance and petulance. These prisoners are numbed by the opiate of power. They live in fear and anxiety of being held accountable any given day. They dread the day the wrath of the people will be visited upon them. They know with certainty that they will one day be judged by the very scales they have used to judge others.

 

The prisoners-in-their-own-conscience can free the prisoners of conscience and thereby free themselves. That is their only salvation. In the alternative, let them heed Gandhi’s dire warning: “There have been tyrants and murderers, and for a time they seem invincible, but in the end they always fall—think of it always

 

.”

Stop Repressing the Press

 

Napoleon Bonaparte said, “Four hostile newspapers are more to be feared than a thousand bayonets.” That rings true for the ruling regime in Ethiopia. Last week three imprisoned and one exiled Ethiopian journalists received the prestigious Hellman/Hammett Award for 2012 “in recognition of their efforts to promote free expression in Ethiopia, one of the world’s most restricted media environments”. The recipients included Eskinder Nega, an independent journalist and blogger and recipient of the 2012 PEN International freedom to Write Award; Reeyot Alemu, one of the few Ethiopian female journalists associated with the officially shuttered weekly newspaper Feteh and recipient of the 2012 International Women’s Media Courage in Journalism Award; Woubshet Taye, editor of the officially shuttered weekly newspaper Awramba Times and Mesfin Negash of Addis Neger Online, another weekly officially shuttered before going online. The four were among a diverse group of 41 writers and journalists from 19 countries to receive the Hellman/Hammett Award.According to Human Rights Watch:

 

 

The four jailed and exiled journalists exemplify the courage and dire situation of independent journalism in Ethiopia today. Their ordeals illustrate the price of speaking freely in a country where free speech is no longer tolerated. The journalistic work and liberty of the four Ethiopian award-winners has been suppressed by the Ethiopian government in its efforts to restrict free speech and peaceful dissent, clamp down on independent media, and limit access to and use of the internet. They represent a much larger group of journalists in Ethiopia forced to self-censor, face prosecution, or flee the country.

 

All dictators and tyrants in history have feared the enlightening powers of the independent press. Total control of the media remains the wicked obsession of all modern day dictators who believe that by controlling the flow of information, they can control the hearts and minds of their citizens. But that is only wishful thinking. As Napoleon realized, “a journalist is a grumbler, a censurer, a giver of advice, a regent of sovereigns and a tutor of nations.” Like Napoleon, the greatest fear of the dictators in Ethiopia is the “tutoring” aspect of the press — teaching, informing, enlightening and empowering the people with knowledge. They understand the power of the independent press to effectively

countercheck their tyrannical rule and hold him accountable before the people. Like Napoleon, they have spared no effort to harass, jail, censor and muzzle journalists for criticizing and exposing their criminality, use of a vast network of spies to terrorize Ethiopian society, shining the light of truth on their military and policy failures, condemning their indiscriminate massacres of unarmed citizen protesters in the streets and for killing, jailing and persecuting their political opponents.

All imprisoned journalists must be released immediately.

 

 

“Those who make peaceful change impossible will make violent revolution inevitable.” JFK

/Professor Alemayehu G. Mariam teaches political science at California State University, San Bernardino and is a practicing defense lawyer./

---

---

Who retards change in Ethiopia

  By Teklu Abate


Who retards change in Ethiopia? December 1, 2012 Chairman of Unity for Democracy and Justice (UDJ) party, Dr Negasso Gidada, nicely highlighted the current political condition in Ethiopia. In a discussion forum arranged for party members, Ethiopia's former president identified major challenges and problems that strangle contemporary politics.The absence of a united public movement for change, the authoritarian nature of the governing party, the limiting nature of

the electoral system, the ineffective culture of mediation and negotiation, and the tendency to expect change from above and abroad are major issues highlighted by Dr Negasso. He stressed that the governing party is not willing to change or relinquish power in its own accord. His suggestion is that, in order to bring genuine change, the Ethiopian people must nurture their political culture and must create immense pressure on the governing party. Overall, I found his presentation seminal and would like to contribute to the debate. Dr Negasso identified problems, challenges and possible strategies for change. My take is on the stakeholders who should be held responsible for the absence of

significant political change in Ethiopia. My paper is organized around answering this question: Who retards political change in Ethiopia? By "political change", I mean any movement that points toward a governance style that builds on and nurtures democratic ideals and practices. The goal of my paper is to initiate discussions and to invite all stakeholders to reflect on their political identity and participation. My argument is that there are several stakeholders who should share the blame. I

identified four groups of stakeholders who together map Ethiopia's political field. To me, neither the government, the opposition, foreign governments and organizations, nor the Ethiopian Diaspora are the most important factors. I argue that the role international organizations (e.g. the UN system, IMF, the World Bank, AU, EU) and foreign governments could play is extremely limited and has a lot to do with legitimization. The real actors behind the messy political scene in Ethiopia are, in their order of significance, the people (called the core), the opposition, the government, and the Diaspora. My arguments are highlighted below and are based on principle, rhetoric, and my own observations. The

 Core This category of factors is at the core of everything. They could potentially reconfigure the political landscape. Unfortunately, we do not happen to see any promising participation from the parties; the general public and the educated. The Public. Millions and millions of Ethiopians are aliens to politics. The average Ethiopian seems to believe that formally participating in politics is beyond his/her capacity and is risky. They expect, as Dr Negasso rightly explained, opposition political parties and some individuals to initiate and sustain political change. The public attitude toward politics seems unfavorable and/or neutral. They do not believe that the people is the power, as shown recently in Libya, Tunisia, Egypt, Algeria, Yemen, Syria, and other states. The people prefer to keep blind and deaf when their basic constitutional rights are violated. They just consider that the

ruling party and the government got the guns and the guts to rule and rule. The national culture favors the status quo and does not champion or at least tolerate change. The culture has conformist ideals at its core. Power and decision making are supposed to be the business of a few. Because of 1) their sheer size, 2) they being the source of political power, and 3) they being the ones who suffer most from injustices of all sorts, I hold the general public the most accountable when it comes to the embarrassing political culture of Ethiopia.

 Their skeptical and pessimistic view of politics is a giant obstacle that stands on the way to change. The public seems to make a retreat to religion to explain and cope up with all phenomena. Particularly worrisome is that even those who were educated at high cost to bring change seem to identify with the silent crowd. The Educated The educated are rhetorically expected to be the voice for the voiceless. Ethiopian intellectuals are not significantly contributing to political development. Except the very few who oppose injustices of all sorts in various ways, the majority are in a deep sleep of carelessness, negligence, and/or reluctance.

 One may raise the lack of opportunity to contribute but creating one should be part of the struggle. In fact, there are several intellectuals who fail to protect their own constitutional rights at work places. They do not cry for justice, equality, freedom and transparency related to their professional jobs. A cold-blooded cadre dictates and abuses a senior professor/scientist. If we have to name someone

responsible for sustaining the ugly political face in Ethiopia, the educated must come second only to the general public. The Opposition Only next to the contributions of the general public and the educated comes the role of opposition political parties based in Ethiopia. Because of their infancy and because of their organizational capacity, I do not expect them to bring real change by themselves in a short period of time, and hence they are only third in terms of significance.

  They still must take the next highest level of blame for the mediocre political culture we are trapped in. They were expected to mobilize the public for the public good- democratic governance. They were expected to bring functional political literacy among the masses. They were expected to be models for defending the rule of law. They were expected to maneuver to get permissions to convene and to demonstrate. Getting the minds and hearts of majority Ethiopians was their natural duty. They were expected to challenge the government by developing and communicating better policies and strategies.

They were expected to teach the government how to govern in the 21st Century. Rather, they 'teach' the public how to get divided, antagonistic, and egoistic. The embarrassing fall of Kinjit and other coalitions is fresh on the minds of millions. It left a political scar that continues to scare its victims- the public. The agenda of the opposition every year is about mergers and unification among them. Their usual cry is one and only one- that the political playing field is getting narrower over time. Here, I am not belittling unification and merger efforts. Nor I deny that the government is playing unfair. I am making the point that a real opposition must maneuver and force the governing party to surrender or retreat. Playing tough on a rough ground is what matters most in places like Ethiopia. Whatever conditions assembled by the government out there, opposition parties must take a huge amount of the blame.

  The Government I subscribe to the rhetoric that government is needed to safeguard individual and collective rights and to facilitate socio-economic and political advancement. Government is made from the people to the people by the people. That means, power is and must be in the hands of the people and the government must be considered as the executive arm of the people. Unfortunately, once they grab power, politicians seem to detach themselves from the people. Worse is that they start to intimidate the very people who give them their positions.

The lack of democratic governance and freedom in Ethiopia is attributed to the government only to a certain extent. The power givers, the people, are expected to regulate their executive arm. Because of the absence of accountability and transparency enforcing mechanisms, the government in Ethiopia seems to play against the very constitution it drafted. The constitution clearly bestows on citizens the right to: express self freely in any form, convene and demonstrate, for instance. In practice, for a whole number of trash reasons,

the public is denied of these basic rights and in fact several are in prison for they exercised their natural and constitutional rights. The entire population is expected to demand their denied rights. The owner of a house must devise mechanisms that help him to keep thieves at bay. Another major problem for which the government must take responsibility and blame is the absence of distinction between the governing party (EPRDF) and the entity we call government. As Dr Negasso indicated, EPRDF means the government and the government means EPRDF.

That means, decision making, resource mobilization and use are not differentiated between party and government apparatuses. This has a serious implication when it comes to, say, the autonomy and integrity of public institutions. Rhetoric has it that the media, schools, universities and other institutions should freely serve the public. Although it may be nearly a practical impossibility not to have some level of government steering, these institutions must be led and managed in such a way that they serve the people and the constitution than the governing party. In Ethiopia, even traditionally the most autonomous

institutions, universities, fall prey to party whims. Faculty and leaders are not free to do their professional duties. Every bit and piece of decision the EPRDF makes shakes the daily operations of institutions. The police, the military, and the security apparatuses stand in clear defense of party interests. Surely, the government is for sure bringing a much more adverse effect to Ethiopian politics than the Diaspora does. The Diaspora The Diaspora are making seminal contributions to socio-economic and political realities back home. Their support ranges from making financial contributions to opposition parties at home to communicating government's and oppositions' deeds to the international community. I argue that the Diaspora should also be held responsible for part of the

political mess for various reasons. One, their support does not discriminate between democratic and authoritarian opposition parties back home. They funded several parties which are as autocratic and dictatorial as the ruling party. They failed to demand transparency, accountability, and impact while making donations. Two, rather than taking a non- partisan and evaluative stance following the fall of Kinjit, several get involved in the divisions and helped maintain different factions. Three, they do not initiate and maintain a culture of debate that involves both EPRDF and opposition members and supporters. One is an alien to the other and if by chance they happen to meet in an event or a meeting, things just change for the worst. Rather than resorting to civilized debate and discourses, they usually throw nasty words against each other. Four, this polarized view of politics and Ethiopia is maintained by the media in the Diaspora. Websites and blogs are as battlefields as Badme and Shiraro were years ago. Media maintained by EPRDF sympathizers never post a paper that criticizes government, no

matter how genuine and constructive the argument the paper makes. Media run by opposition sympathizers are also reluctant to publish papers a) that seem to have EPRDF flavor, or 2) that do not champion their editorial statements. It is not uncommon to read papers that are full of insults and character assassinations. Exceptions are such broadcast media as ESAT, VOA and DW, who tried hard to get perspectives from government officials on a number of issues. Five, Diaspora associations, political parties, and discussion forums do not appear democratic and change prone. Rather than waging a protracted political struggle against the governing party, several keep fighting each other. Several keep on cloning themselves and confuse the public. I have written a paper on this issue and is available at http://tekluabate.blogspot.no/2012/10/d-day-ethiopian-type.html. Six, the educated Diaspora do not often get involved in discussions that target at bringing final consensus and change. Only a handful of the intellectuals actually take their time to write and communicate

discussion papers. Bad is that those limited writers do not read each other; each forwards his/her own ideas on different topics. Follow up discussions and then at last broad agreements are thus hard to come by. From the aforementioned arguments alone, one could conclude that the Diaspora hardly positively shape the political field. It is fair to say that we the Ethiopian Diaspora have, by design or by tradition, done and are doing a lot messy things that retard political advancement. If not as huge as the mess created by the government and home-based opposition political parties, our problem is big enough to be addressed. We seem to play so wild on the political playing field that even autocratic officials back home and elsewhere make fun out of us.

Making politics in a barbaric way while living in and working for some of the most democratic societies on earth is hard to explain. Concluding Remarks To initiate discussions and then self-evaluations, this paper tried to outline the most important stakeholders who unfortunately suffocate the political climate in Ethiopia. They all have pathological relationships and retard socio-economic and political advancement. Nearly all countries of the world outachieve us in nearly all development indicators. Despite our abundant natural resources and our talented workforce, we lag behind all nations. We fight each other all the time and we get no guts and goals to fight poverty. The real sources of political power, the people, should be held the most accountable on this regard. The opposition and the government are the next to be

blamed. This conclusion is, however, not based on empirical evidence. The conclusion is made based on what is supposed to be the case, logic, and my own personal observations. Discussions that draw on a whole array of sources and perspectives are much appreciated. - The writer could be reached for comments at teklu.abate@gmail.com Permalink8 comments » Web www.nazret.com advertisement

The Problem of Ethiopian State Structure

The Problem of Ethiopian State Structure: The modern Ethiopian state has always been highly centralized state, where a single ethnic group dominates over all others. This has created and is still creating tensions and conflicts among different Ethiopian ethnic groups. The current government is fueling the tension and using it as an instrument to divide and rule. Azar correctly concludes that ‘highly centralized political structures are sources of conflict because they reduce the opportunity for a sense of community among groups, increase alienation and tend to deny to groups the means to accomplish their needs’. As a solution he suggests that ‘for conflicts to be enduringly resolved,


appropriate decentralized structures are needed, designed to serve the psychological, economic, and relational needs of groups and individuals within nation-states’ (Azar, 1986). Ethiopian political elites have different opinions on how to approach this issue. Having different opinion should not be a problem in itself, but understanding the position of others and tolerating one another has become an obstacle to open and constructive dialogue. In order to overcome this hurdle, open public discussion and debate over this issue must start right now. Open discussions and debate will help to build confidence among different ethnic groups and peoples. It will bridge the gap and clear the way to make important compromises. Thus, opposition leaders are expected to work hard to find common ground to tackle this issue openly, genuinely, and in a very honest way. The step-by-step approach should include: organizing brainstorming meetings, seminars, workshops; and at last organizing all-inclusive Peace and Reconciliation Conference. Hitherto exercised exclusionist approach should stop.


 Imposing pre-conditions before any discussion starts will not be helpful; rather it will further damage the relations. Ethnic and national political organizations should meet freely and discuss their ideas and their approach to solving the pressing problems. I don’t think that any kind of conflict resolution goal would be achieved if one excludes major ethnic political groups like OLF and ONLF that are representing significant number of population. By the way, ethnic politics has been always part of our history and it will remain so for the long time to come. Our diversity should not be taken as liability or as a bad thing. It is rather a beauty and an asset. We have to build on it, not fear it. 2. The Problem of poverty: Poverty is so deep in our country; about 15 million people in Ethiopia have no food security; six million always live on foreign food aid; families in millions cannot feed their children




three times a day, and some are even eating in shifts. We are all ashamed of this dire situation and particularly, those in power must be ashamed of themselves. They have to be ashamed of themselves because they are enriching themselves at the expense of millions of hungry and starving people. A USAID/Ethiopia Strategic Paper (2004) identifies a lack of Good Governance as a main reason for food insecurity in Ethiopia. The paper states that ‘the dramatic nature of Ethiopia’s cycle of famine is linked to the Country’s long history as feudal State and Socialist dictatorship. Current TPLF/EPRDF government in Ethiopia is a minority ethnic group imposing its wrong policies and programs upon the majority of the Ethiopian people. The country still lacks a broad political competition and has very weak governance. Unfortunately enough, the Ethiopian people accept the authoritarian rule, and are largely passive in their relationship to government officials at all levels. The custom of holding



elected officials accountable for social service delivery, economic opportunity, and basic human rights are weak or even non-existent’. The paper correctly concludes that ‘many problems that contribute to Ethiopia’s continuing vulnerability to famine stems from weak governance’. We actually don’t expect good governance from TPLF/EPRDF Government, because it fundamentally lacks not only legitimacy to govern, but most importantly, it also lacks a capacity to govern. The USAID/Ethiopia paper reveals this fact when it writes: ‘Ethiopia currently is a federal State, with nine regions broadly configured along ethnic lines. However, these regions have no internal autonomy to exercise self-administration. There is a strict control of the central government, which creates tension between center and periphery. Regional, Zonal, and Woreda administrators are being appointed by a ruling party without having a capacity to govern’. The very nature of TPLF/EPRDF government makes it difficult to reform itself, and thus, it has to be replaced if we seriously need to alleviate, or at least, reduce poverty in Ethiopia. 3. The Problem of Political Culture: Political culture refers to the overall pattern of beliefs, attitudes and values in a society towards the political system. As Ethiopia has always lived and still living under dictatorship, the citizens of this country see themselves as subjects of the government not as participants in the political process. Many fear to express themselves outwardly against the wrong doings of the authorities. What Levada observed about the people living under dictatorship fits well to our society. He writes: ‘Fear created citizens who outwardly conformed but in reality adopted strategies designed to ensure their survival: two persons in one body. People participated but only as subjects. Survival required certain cunning in the pursuit of self-interest…’ (Levada, 2001). We Ethiopians do not deny that we all are two persons in one. It is not our fault. It is the result of the environment of fear that imposed on us by our rulers. But we have to recognize this fact and work hard to change it. This culture of fear and suspicion of each other should stop somewhere if we really want to enter into a serious problem solving dialogue.





  Besides, an uncompromising political culture of 1970s is still intact in our society. Those political elites in power and the leaders of oppositions are all the product of the 1970s political movement, and they have a problem of listening and understanding the position of their opponents. For them the games are always to win or to lose. No win-win situation in their thinking. The opponents should be in anyways defeated. This kind of political culture is still intact in our society and we should have to openly debate on it and overcome this hurdle, if we really want to address our problems genuinely and solve them definitely. ----

Refugees are Ordinary People

Refugees are ordinary people who have fled from their own countries because of war, or because their religion, political beliefs, ethnic group or way of life puts them in danger of arrest, torture or death. These people have left their home country and cannot go back there, although most refugees prefer to return to their home as soon as it is safe. Often they have to wait until a conflict or a war has ended in their country, and the basic necessities of life have been restored. Displaced People: Around 25 to 30 million people have fled from their homes because their lives are in danger, but have gone into hiding in their home country. This group of people are called displaced people. They have fled from their homes for

the same reasons as refugees. The difference between displaced people and refugees is that refugees have left their own countries. Asylum Seekers: When people flee their own country, they apply for the right to be recognised as refugees in the country they have fled to. This is called seeking asylum. If they are granted asylum, they then have the right to be protected by the law and cared for financially by that country. It is always hard to say exactly how many people in the world are seeking asylum, since they are often doing so in the middle of wars and chaos. It is probably about 1 million people. In the last fifty years several million people were granted asylum in different countries around the world. As travel and communication has become easier there has been an increase in the number of people seeking asylum. Europe experienced


particularly large numbers of people seeking asylum during the Balkan crisis in the 1990's. Because of the increase, many countries have made it harder for asylum seekers to be granted asylum. In Europe, the member states of the European Union have been working for several years to reach an agreement on their asylum procedures. Resettlement

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights is generally agreed to be the foundation of international human rights law. Adopted in 1948, the UDHR has inspired a rich body of legally binding international human rights treaties. It continues to be an inspiration to us all whether in addressing injustices, in times of conflicts, in societies suffering repression, and in our efforts towards achieving universal enjoyment of human righ

Civilized people uncivilized regime: how did it happen?

by Teshome Debalke

Everybody is wondering how did such civilized people as Ethiopians ended up under the rule of uncivilized regime like Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) “Woyane”?
Before I go on exploring about how the uncivilized regime remained in power it is appropriate to explain what civilized society means, so that the ‘uncivilized’ understand not to divert us from the main question.

Free Dictionary defines civilized society:

• Having a highly developed society and culture.
• Showing evidence of moral and intellectual advancement; humane, ethical, and reasonable:
• Marked by refinement in taste and manners; cultured; polished

Contrast that with the Woyane regime’s culture, moral, intellect, ethics, and manner, noting come close to what Ethiopians are all about.
Even Woyane supporters attest to that fact by remaining silent and covering up the atrocities and corruptions of their favorite regime for so long confirming their uncivilized behavior. The evidence is overwhelming to justify their behavior. For example, they never demand independent inquiry on all the accusation of genocide, human right violation, corruption, force resettlement, human trafficking, money laundering, extortion, land grabbing…and more. They simply take the word of Woyane at face value and defend it tooth-and-nail while attacking the innocent and everyone else. If that is not uncivilized behavior colluding with an offending party we don’t know what could be.

It goes much further; as blind following the blind, they go along with organized robbery of a nation without blinking an eye. To make matter worst, they sit by; when Woyane reduce the nation to the lowest internet penetration in the world, not to mention jamming and blocking independent Medias just because it doesn’t want anyone to know its atrocity and robbery of the people and the nation. Again, if that isn’t uncivilized behavior of a Stone Age proportion we don’t know what it is.
Uncivilized regimes, gangs, corrupt organizations… have one thing in common. They pretend to be civilized to cover-up their uncivilized behavior; in the process they self incriminate by contradicting themselves.

For example, they say Corruption is development, stealing is growth, vote rigging is Democracy, killing is fighting terrorism, lying is government communication, propaganda is news, laundering money is investment, genocide is resettlement, bribing is representation, jailing is justice, division is Ethnic Federalism, terrorizing is maintaining constitutional order… you get the point.
With all uncivilized behavior on its belt it is surprising how Woyane managed to hang around for this long? And, how its so called supporters managed to hang around with it for these long? Could it be because they are uncivilized and corrupt as Woyane itself?

The best way to describe it is through the drug cartels of South America. These drug cartels are the de facto governments in the countries they operate purely by violence and corruptions.
According to Wikipedia

“Drug cartels are criminal organizations developed with the primary purpose of promoting and controlling drug trafficking operations. They range from loosely managed agreements among various drug traffickers to formalized commercial enterprises. cartels, is now popularly used to refer to any criminal narcotics related organization, such as those in Colombia, Guatemala, Honduras, El Salvador, Trinidad and Tobago, Jamaica, Dominican Republic, Mexico, Afghanistan, and Pakistan. Below is the basic structure of the drug cartels in Mexico:

• Falcons (Halcones): Considered the “eyes and ears” of the streets, the ‘falcons’ are the lowest rank in any drug cartel. They are responsible for supervising and reporting the activities of the military and their rival groups.^[1]

• Hitmen (Sicarios): The armed group within the drug cartel that are responsible for carrying out assassinations, kidnappings, thefts, extortions, operating protection rackets, and defending their ‘plaza’ from rival groups and the military.^[2][3]

• Lieutenants (Lugartenientes): The second highest position in the drug cartel organization that are responsible for supervising the hit men and falcons within their own territory. They are allowed to carry out low-profile executions without permission from their bosses.^[4]

• Drug lords (Capos): The highest position in any drug cartel that are responsible for supervising the entire drug industry, appointing territorial leaders, making alliances, and planning high-profile executions.^[5]

It is worth noting that there are other operating groups within the drug cartels. For example, the drug producers and suppliers,^[6] although not considered in the basic structure, are critical operators of any drug cartel, along with the financers and money launderers.^[7][8][9] In addition, the arms suppliers operate in a completely different circle,^[10] and are technically not considered part of the cartel’s logistics.”

Source:- Wikipedia

The drug cartels act like government within a government. In fact, in nation like Colombia Cali Cartel Medellín Cartel and Norte del Valle Cartel practically use to run the government until recently; similar to what Woynae does. Their strategy is to inflect fear on the population through violence and terror where the Lieutenants handling the low level treat for the cartels while the big drug lords take care of the high-profile executions. Executing judges, journalist, social activist and politicians and their family members that threatened their business occurred daily.
Similarly, Woyane left its low level treats for its cadres while the high profile treats is handled by the big boys of TPLF’s run death squads. The late Melse always stepped in whenever high profile treats to Woyane rule requires executions.


There are ample evidences Woyane survived using drug cartels’ methods of fear-terror-bribe-control and financing its operation by stealing from the public. ‘Appointing territorial leaders, making alliances to expand its reach…are identical with the drug cartels.
The fake democratic legitimacy and the drama that followed in the last three elections were in order to earn fake legitimacy from the gullible until the 2005 election neutralized it for good. Ever since, it went back to the same old Woyane. The drama of the last election was only to appease its foreign enablers as the future election will be.


Since the death of Melse, Woyane is trying hard to cover up its true nature from the international community that knowingly allowed it to stick around. With forced loss of the top positions in the government by faking transition of power, it will maintain the only hope it got to please its foreign enablers while doing what it knows best behind closed doors until the last hour of its rule. It won’t be long before the international community decides the fake legitimacy no longer sufficient to stick around; as they are beginning to do as we speak.


Woyane should be looked at no less or more than a drug cartel of South America to fully understand it behavior in order to end its crime spree and its draconian rule sooner. Otherwise, it will prolong its stay in a cover of faking the few excuses left to it as long as it can. Extreme caution must be taken on its cadres that disguise as innocent Ethiopians to do its dirty bidding to prolong its rule.
As we go forward to end Woyane rule, the bluff coming out of the sorry regime and its apologist is the same bluff we heard from every small and big tyrants of the world and their apologist that bit the dust or gasping for air to extend their rule.

For some reason tyranny have no ear to hear and eyes to see when it is up. In fact, uncivilized regime is deaf and blind to hear and see what is coming until it comes.
We wonder, what keeps the apologists going? Hope…

eveling the playing field in Ethiopia

by Yilma Bekele

The press release was short and to the point. It was only six paragraphs long and was written in a matter of fact way. There were no trumpets blaring, no press conference with TV lights and no lavish dinner to commemorate the event. The announcement reminded me of the proverb ‘best things come in small packages.’ So it was without much fanfare I read the most important announcement on Abbay Media and Quatero. Tucked among the news was the announcement regarding the formation of Ginbot 7 Popular Force (GPF)

It is vintage G7. Doing what needs to be done in a deliberate and intelligent manner. Since their inception the folks of G7 have gone about building their organization, finding common ground with others and laying a firm and solid foundation to move our quest for freedom and dignity in a purposeful manner. Their accomplishment the last four years speaks volumes to their ability as leaders of a new style of struggle that is beginning to bear fruit.

As the establishment of ESAT was a game changer, as the successful meeting of mind with the OLF was a ground shaking event this announcement regarding the formation of Ginbot 7 Popular Forces is a monumental achievement in the annals of our struggle. It is a milestone in the evolution of our struggle to be free and democratic.

It is a brand new day in Ethiopia. Our struggle is entering a new phase. It is a necessary phase imposed upon our people by the belligerent and lawless regime. It was not an easy decision for the Front to make. No one relishes the idea of an armed confrontation especially with one’s own brothers and sisters but there comes a time when self-preservation becomes a vital issue. The short announcement makes that fact clear.

The TPLF regime has been in power for over twenty years now. The last twenty years have been a period of destabilization, conflict and agony for our people. No one can deny that. The result of this chaotic and illegal system is laid in front of us. Despite the much heralded so called ‘economic miracle’ thrown on our face our country is mired in famine and poverty, our children are scattered all over the world, our daughters are enslaved in the Middle East by the thousands, our people are denied the simple luxury of reading a free paper or listening to independent news and our jails are filled by innocent victims of a mad system.

This is what makes the formation of GPF a must and important component of our struggle. The Ethiopian people have tried every avenue open to let the regime know that the monopoly of power is not conducive to a just and harmonious system. Our people have bent backwards to accommodate the regime to change its aggressive ways. International organizations such as the European Union and others have tried to mediate. The arrogant and petty government has shown complete disregard to our needs and concerns.

That is why I wrote ‘leveling the playing field’ in the title. Violence is a two way street. Up until now the TPLF regime has the monopoly of violence. It has used it with impunity. The late dictator even used to taunt as to try fighting back. We are patient people. But despite the failings of the last few years we are also brave people. At long last we have decided to stand our ground and defend our people from evil. Self-defense is a God given right to every human being. It is time we in Ethiopia exercise that right.

We celebrate those that are still trying to let the TPLF regime know their peaceful intentions to bring change. It is to no one’s interest to shed blood in anger. The death of a single Ethiopian should be avoided at all cost. That can only happen when there is the rule of law in the country we call Ethiopia. It could not come about by a government based on a single ethnic group, by a government hell bent on monopolizing army, commerce, communications and politics by a chosen few.

GPF is our shield. GPF will prove to the arrogant TPLF army and security there will be consequences to aggression. As anything started by the seasoned leaders of Ginbot 7 there is no question GPF will prove itself to be a worthy child of Tewodros, Yohanes, Minilik, Aba Jifar, Tona and many other patriots. There is no question in my mind that the Ethiopian people will take GPF into their fold, love and nurture it. Our wish has been fulfilled and TPLF nightmare has just started.

There will be those that will try to belittle our effort and mock our resolve. Some will accuse the Diaspora of fanning the flames of war. No matter the die has been cast and the long journey has started. It is sad that in this day and age we have to pick up arms instead of the ballot to bring change. But one cannot choose his battle. This has been forced upon us. We have waited too long to respond in kind. Once we have started the process our job is to try to make it a short and less costly endeavor. Our responsibility is to encourage, support in any way possible and push our family, friends and the international community to stand with us at this time of great need.

We salute the combatants of GPF for their sacrifice on our behalf.  We want them to know they are in our hearts and minds every waking moment of our life. We promise we will do all that we could in our part to help them achieve the goal of liberating our mother land from the clutches of darkness. Forward with the brave sons and daughters of Ethiopia, we your people in exile raise our hands in salute and shout so all can hear ‘Ethiopia is rising and a new day has begun!!!’ May you march in triumph as your ancestors did thru the millennium.

Related Posts

Bulcha Demeksa's Exclusive InterviewSource: The Reporter Bulcha Demeksa, in his early septuagenarian age, is still an outspoken ...

An Ethiopian and the Presidential debateby Yilma Bekele President Obama and his challenger Mitt Romney had their first debate ...

ESAT Ethiopian News Weekly Dec 16, 2012[youtube HU2rYkmS3-c 640 360]ESAT Ethiopian News Weekly Dec 16, 2012. The latest Ethiopian news ...ECADF Ethiopian Video

ESAT Ethiopian News Weekly Dec 09, 2012[youtube ji_91yFmtUQ 640 360]ESAT Ethiopian News Weekly Dec 09, 2012. The latest Ethiopian news ...ECADF Ethiopian Video