The Ethiopian Opposition: On Keeping the Momentum

June 28, 2013

by Teklu Abate

For the last two decades, the ruling party, EPRDF, set the agendas for political discourse, putting the opposition to a clear defensive position. The former drafted, ratified, and implemented rulings and laws solo several of which are calculated to contain and neutralize any form of public dissent. The opposition has had nothing to do about it but to mildly shout that the political playing field was and is too narrow to play. Discourses related to national economics and development were/are also the exclusive business of the ruling party. Moreover, it was/is the EPRDF only who re-defined/s our border lines and our relations to neighboring countries. The opposition reacted in some forms to such maneuverings. Generally, one could safely argue that the EPRDF and the opposition have respectively assumed their offensive and defensive roles for years.

Very recently, we happen to witness bits and pieces of developments that conjointly point to a different scenario where the opposition seem to manage to put their agendas on table. The public demonstrations called up on by the Blue Party last May just broke the silence. Although the event itself was neither an outcome nor an output, it was found significant in several ways. Several writers excellently lamented its implications and I also managed to outline some of the important lessons learnt from it in my May short commentary. Stated simply, the rallies could be considered an ice breaker; they effectively teared down that big blanket of fear and silence from the Ethiopian political horizon.

And that spirit of claiming natural and constitutional rights does not stop there. The Blues vow to come back to the streets again and again until their demands are met. They sort of have given the ruling party a three-month grace period to act. Moreover, the Unity for Democracy and Justice party (Andinet) are also coming to the fore again. They are planning rallies that are to take place in regional towns first and finally in Addis Ababa. Other parties and fronts might join hands and make serious and series of demonstrations that could put EPRDF at the defensive. If the regime does not effectively respond to the demands, the sizable rallies could have huge potential for bringing a massive and peaceful popular uprising that could be lethal to the ruling party. In a way, the refreshed demands of the opposition seem to appear a nuisance to the ruling party- they tend to defend this time around.

Before the opposition reach at that stage, a stage where they clearly and in a sustained way take the offensive position, they must identify and deal with a whole array of challenges and hurdles put forward by the EPRDF. The power of the opposition to maneuver and to bring their efforts in scale would define the trajectory of Ethiopian politics for years to come. The opposition (here I refer to those based in Ethiopia) need to regularly and well ahead of time reflect up on a host of challenges and issues.

Several writers created possible scenarios and offered recommendations. To me, if the opposition adequately, timely, in a sustained way, and at scale do or meet the following, success (genuine democratic governance, freedom, the rule of law, and justice) is very likely to come. The recommendations below relate to the content and method of peaceful struggle as well as the nature of leadership deemed appropriate for the time.

Injustice as the enemy

We know that the ruling party is behind the state of affairs wherein Ethiopia finds itself since 1991. Still, the enemy of the Ethiopian people is not EPRDF/TPLF as such. Any peaceful and meaningful political struggle must thus aim at combatting such real enemies as injustice, corruption, killings, nepotism, random detention, persecution, lack of freedom, backwardness, stagnation, unaccountability, and the like. If struggles aim at EPRDF as an entity, there would not be any guarantee that we would have democratic culture once the regime is gone. Plus, if struggles focus on the real enemies, those in the EPRDF circle might feel that they are not singled out and hence they might, after some time, decide to change their political lanes. This way, it is possible to create a future where the opposition, EPRDF sympathizers and members, and the general public live in peace and tranquility. This is what we could learn from Nelson Mandela of South Africa, to forgive for the sake of cohesion and lasting change. Fight to bring justice and freedom and not to liquidate a group.

National reconciliation

Yes, because of EPRDF’s policies and propaganda, we suffer a lot. We tend to look through ethnic lines only. We fought each other several times and thousands are gone forever. And many still languish in such earthly hells called Kaliti and maekellawi. And many have left their country to escape from everything. Despite all these, the opposition must tolerate and preach peaceful co-existence. Ethiopia should be home not only to those who fight to bring change but also to those who are very responsible for all the mess. That spirit of forgiveness must be at the core of any political struggle. We cannot bring lasting peace by killing or persecuting the oppressors but by forgiving them. Of course, those few at the top of the EPRDF power echelon might be held accountable to their deeds through a free and fair justice system. But a national reconciliation that includes all groups and parties and individuals is for sure a panacea for solving every other problem. And this is not a tried and tired approach in Ethiopia. The opposition could benefit if they consider this as an option.

Inclusiveness

Nearly all EPRDF seminars and conferences at home and in the Diaspora are reserved for supporters and members. That created the gulf between the regime and the populace in general. The opposition must be significantly different from the ruling party in this regards, too. Reconciliations, workshops, conferences, seminars, and other party moves must accommodate all. The youth, the elderly, the rural and urban population, the educated, the business people, EPRDF members and sympathizers, and the Ethiopian Diaspora need to be considered while planning, implementing, and evaluating programs or projects. If struggles are dubbed peaceful, there is nothing to hide from EPRDF people. By inviting them to opposition forums, it is possible to show transparency and accountability and to enter in to discourse. Let’s create that culture of debate as it is the opportunity to positively influence and be influenced.

Practical and strategic

To win the hearts and minds of the people, the opposition need to focus on the now and the future simultaneously. Problems and concerns include poverty and starvation, corruption, nepotism, lack of freedom of all sorts, imprisonment, exodus of the youth to the Arab world, scramble of our fertile lands by irresponsible investors, forced eviction of people, our border lines and relation with neighbors and internationally, and the like. The opposition must come up with their plans as to how to solve all these bottlenecks. The people want to see smarter solutions that outachieve EPRDF’s. Meaning, political struggle is as intellectual and discursive as it is pragmatic. This of course requires quality leadership and resource pool.

Competent leadership

Leadership plays a crucial role in bringing change. Unfortunately, we happen to see some of the most incompetent leaders in several of the political parties back home. They are usually made leaders based on family ties, ethnic considerations, seniority, and even gender. Some assumed leadership for decades and still claim that no one is competent enough to replace them. Others seem to ‘own’ political parties through infusing their private resources into party activities. They expect any decision to be made in accordance with their tastes. These kinds of guys should be stopped systematically. If the opposition aspire to succeed, they must make sure they are being led by some of the most competent workforce. People who do not have the knowledge, skill, know-how, and sincerity should not be allowed to enter the leadership rank. As they would retard and at worst divide the struggle. Youngsters must be recruited, trained, and given the opportunity to lead for a very fixed term.

Leadership contracts

Regularly but in a stable way changing leadership might work well in the Ethiopian context for several reasons. One, it would discourage long-time rule and dictatorship. Two, leading political parties cost a lot in terms of resources, time, energy, and other sacrifices including imprisonment and persecution and prosecution. Changing leadership regularly is tantamount to sharing the burden. Three, it would be a challenge to the ruling party to jail and prosecute all the generations of leaders. Four, it would send to the public a message that the opposition is governed by rules and limits. Five, leaders would not have the energy and time to create their own personal networks as they know that they would step down soon. Six, new leaders could perform with all their energy and competence. Seventh, this formula will produce a great number of experienced leaders in the end who could easily influence the public at various levels.

Involve the people

Ideally, parties are created by the people to the people. But once leaders assume their positions, the public is relegated to making financial contributions only. There is little opportunity to the populace to get involved in decision making and usually lack the means to ensure accountability and transparency of the leadership. To me, the people must be educated to lead themselves. A political awareness program should be created so that 1) people know their rights and obligations quite well, 2) people could defend themselves against injustices of all sorts, 3) people could continue the struggle even when their leaders are jailed or persecuted, 4) the governing party could not imprison the entire or majority of the population but to surrender to their demands or to step down. In fact, the opposition should work a lot on this as it is the absolutely powerful way of bringing, sustaining, and scaling up democratic governance and real changes in economic and social realms. This is the least tried approach in Ethiopia.

Democratic practices

Some parties complain that EPRDF is undemocratic and oppressive. This is true but they themselves are equally undemocratic and oppressive. The way they elect their members and leaders, the way they make decisions, and the way they relate to their members is hardly democratic most of the time. Several of the divisions among the parties could partly be explained by this cause. If they could not govern their small parties well, how are they going to rule over the great nation? Democratic culture seems to be checked by egoistic tendencies, ignorance, and stubbornness. It is hard to bring meaningful change if parties remain secretive, divisive, and autocratic.

Stay collaborative

Inter-party collaborations are crucial as they could ensure resource and spirit mergers. We happened to see fronts and forums that membered several political parties. But they did not bring the struggle to the next higher level. If lasting and inclusive change is to be brought about, there must be a genuine and lasting alliance of some sort. We observed that some parties were reluctant to officially recognize or endorse the rallies called by the Blue Party. Others finally decided to join hands. Although each party has its own plans and resources, failing to collaborate with other parties on issues of national importance is simply unexplainable. Parties could identify areas (e.g. staging rallies) where they could work together while staying near and dear to their own routines.

Networking

Peaceful struggle requires resources, patience, courage, and networking. Those parties back home need to jointly develop projects and communicate them to the Ethiopian Diaspora for support including possible funding. Supporting and funding joint projects is more efficient and easier than supporting each and every political party. Information and communication technologies could be used to reach the otherwise unreachable.

Final notes

I tried to highlight the issues and challenges the Ethiopian opposition need to deal with if they aspire to bring meaningful political change. I want to make several points in relation to that though. One, I am not saying that what I presented is the only magic formulas for success. Two, I am not claiming that the opposition do not know or enact them at all; am focusing on scalability and sustainability. Three, some of the points raised have sharp double-edges: they require change both from the opposition and the ruling party. Four, some of them require making sacrifices of some sort from opposition leaders and supporters. Fifth, some of them require time and investment before seeing any result. Lastly, one could be fairly certain that meeting the aforementioned qualities could bring genuine and lasting changes to the political scene in Ethiopia. The opposition must keep the momentum and put the ruling party at the defensive. That way, they could force EPRDF either to play free and fair or to leave the political scene for good.

How Can We Learn From Our Mistakes?

source : Abi

Suppose that you’d like to make fewer mistakes. How do you go about actually learning from the ones you’ve already made, rather than repeating them?

The first step is to admit to yourself that you’ve made a mistake. Trivial errors, like accidentally putting the container of orange juice in the freezer, are easy enough to come to terms with. But for more serious matters, or matters that involve pride or shame, our minds often recoils at the pain caused by acknowledging we’ve screwed up. We make up excuses as to why it isn’t our fault, or pretend (even to ourselves) that it didn’t happen. But remember: refusing to accept that we’ve made a mistake frequently dooms us to making many more in the future. I find that reflecting on this fact helps me acknowledge my own mistakes. Another thing that can help is to remember that mistakes are not weird, they are the norm. The best among us still make them frequently.

Occasionally, noticing mistakes is enough to correct them, especially when they have immediate reinforcing consequences. Put your hand in a fire once, and it will be easy not to do it again. Get stung by bees enough times, and you’ll likely become more wary around bees. But if you don’t consciously reflect on what has happened, you may not learn all there is to be learned from your mistake. Worse still, many mistakes don’t lead to natural self correction.

Step two is to generalize from your mistakes so that you can see the pattern or principle underlying them. The lesson derived from the mistake of sticking your hand in fire shouldn’t just be to not stick your hand in fire, it ideally should include not sticking your hand in boiling water too. The principle to extract is that objects of high temperature can be dangerous to touch. If your friend is upset because you didn’t return his call for a month, the lesson to learn may not just be to return calls more quickly with this friend, or even just to return calls more quickly with all your friends. Considering this mistake in the context of your other mistakes, there may be something deeper that you should also learn. If you’re having trouble figuring out what, try discussing your mistakes with others whom you trust not to be judgemental. They may be able to offer a perspective that hasn’t occurred to you.

Step three is to develop a strategy to change your behavior. Just because you know that you should stop forgetting to pay your friend back for dinner doesn’t mean that you will stop forgetting. And it certainly doesn’t mean that you will start being more responsible in general when you owe something (even if you’ve made that mistake many times). What would stop your forgetting? Maybe emailing that friend right now to make lunch plans, and putting a reminder in your calendar software saying “bring the money you owe!”, set to go off just before you leave to meet that friend for lunch. Problem solved. How do you solve the more general problem of being bad about paying back what you owe? One approach that might help is to try to build a habit of always scheduling calendar reminders as soon as you borrow money to remind you (repeatedly is best) that you need to pay the money back. That way it is much harder to forget.

Step four is to review your big mistakes, as well as the principles you’ve extracted from them and the strategies you’ve developed to change your behavior. If you review these from time to time you’re much more likely to actually change. Just because you learned something from a mistake three months ago doesn’t mean you’re going to remember what you’ve learned three months from now. As unnatural a thing as it may seem to do, keeping a list which you review from time to time will dramatically magnify your ability to retain what you’ve learned.

So the next time you realize you may have made a mistake:

Acknowledge it, if it was indeed a mistake. Otherwise you may be doomed to repeat it.
See what useful principles you can learn from it, taking into account the context of the other mistakes you’ve made.
Develop a strategy to change your behavior. Just willing yourself to do things differently next time often doesn’t work. Figure out what you can do now to alter your future behavior.

Keep a list of your big mistakes and what you should learn from them. Review this from time to time (for instance, whenever you add a new mistake to the list).

Exiled journalists in risky places need helping hand.

Wednesday, 19 June 2013

The dangerous neighborhood of Eastleigh is home to some exiled journalists. (AP)

It was well past mid-day in Eastleigh, a shanty district on the east side of Nairobi, Kenya. The billows of dust rising from the rock-scarred road showed a government that had long lost interest in the neighborhood. A young man, struggling with horribly dry conditions, was fighting with his patrons. "Welahi, today's khat is so small. I need more," a Somali customer was complaining. "Pole, hakuna unvua" ("Sorry, no rain"). "Khat is getting expensive in these days," the young man tried to convince him in Kiswahili and English. Few knew that the young peddler was once a journalist in Ethiopia. They cared neither about his profession nor the reasons he had fled his home country. For them, he was just a dealer of khat, the mildly addictive green leaf that is chewed in East Africa. It was as simple as that. 

The story of this young exiled reporter, one of many I came to know during my own time in Nairobi, symbolizes the dismal conditions that exiled journalists face in East Africa. A number of my colleagues have been forgotten by their nation, their host country, and the world in general. Some have had the opportunity to speak with organizations like the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees only to find they have been denied asylum. I was one of these exiled journalists, enduring an extremely depressing life for three years in Nairobi.

Journalists in Exile
• CPJ's 2013 Exile report

The authoritarian regime in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, has been harshly cracking down on independent journalists. After my own departure in December 2009, numerous colleagues fled the country in the face of possibleimprisonment. In all, 45 Ethiopian journalists have been forced into exile since 2008, according to the Committee to Protect Journalists. Human rights activists in East Africa believe that the plight of Ethiopian journalists will not disappear anytime soon.

The Ethiopian regime has been trumpeting the country's democracy, but the people's right to freedom of expressions remains unrealized. Newspapers are being sent into early graves, before even their first anniversaries. A newspaper's life span is very short unless it is affiliated with the ruling party or is careful not to cross the red lines drawn by the government. 

Before going into exile, I worked as a journalist for Addis Neger, one of the few critical newspapers being published at the time. The newspaper's clout and reputation prompted officials to intimidate and blackmail its journalists. As if that was not enough, the government went further and planned to prosecute staff members under the anti-terror law.

The government has charged numerous journalists under this law, including the veteran journalist and blogger Eskinder Nega, a 2012 recipient of the PEN/Barbara Goldsmith Freedom to Write Award. Some foreign correspondents and activists were optimistic the media environment would improve after the death of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi in August 2012. But nothing has changed. Since then, a newspaper and a magazine I had worked for as a columnist were forced to shut down. More journalists are fleeing.

A few days before I left Nairobi for the United States, I met a Kenyan human rights activist to discuss the problems facing exiled Ethiopian journalists. The conversation turned quiet as she considered what my colleagues face every day in exile and what they face back home in a country where dissent is called terrorism. She told me that she was happy for me but very worried about the Ethiopian journalists still on the run. She told me, "Exile journalists need a lending hand, especially from their colleagues who know the new environment very well, 'til they can stand on their own feet. When experienced activists like you leave, the challenge will surely be harsher for those who are on their way to flee." 

It was a bitter truth. I had been serving as a host and liaison for those starting a new life in exile. My friend knew how difficult it is to find real solutions; after all, there was not much I could do but provide some information and advice. But she wanted to emphasise how exiled journalists, despite having fled their homes for some place safer, find themselves alone with little guidance in their new host country.

Now, I am in a very safe place where I enjoy the rights of freedom of expression. But I am always thinking about my friends who are still in risky places with little help, and my jailed colleagues back in Addis Ababa. I hope we all shall be free and back to our profession: journalism. 

የትኛው አማራጭ ለአሜሪካ? “ኢህአዴግን ምን እናድርገው? ንገሩን!”

June 22, 2013

ጎልጉል፣ የድረገጽ ጋዜጣ

አሜሪካ ከመቼውም ጊዜ በላይ ደንግጣለች። ኦባንግ እንዳሉት ለህዝባቸው “ሬት” ለምዕራባውያንና “ማር” (የቤት ቀጋ፤ የውጭ አልጋ) የነበሩት አምባገነን በድንገት እንደ ተነቀለ ቡሽ ተስፈንጥረው ከሲስተም መውጣታቸው አሜሪካንን አስጨንቋታል። በተለይም እሳቸው አፍነው የያዙት የስርዓቱ “ክፉ ጠረን” አሁን እነርሱ (አሜሪካውያኑ) ደጅ የደረሰ ያህል መፍትሄ ለመፈለግ የወሰኑ ይመስላሉ።

አውቀውና ፈቅደው ሲታለሉ የቆዩበትን ጊዜ አስልተው መንገዳቸውን የማስተካከል ስራ የጀመሩት ዛሬ አይደለም። አንዳንድ ምንጮች እንደሚሉት ከመለስ ሞት በኋላ አሜሪካ በምስራቅ አፍሪካ ላይ ሚዛኗን ሊያስታት የሚችል ውድቀት የሚደርስባት ኢትዮጵያ ላይ ያላትን አቋም ማስተካከል ሲያቅታት ብቻ እንደሆነ ይናገራሉ

።

“… ሆን ተብሎ በተቀነባበረ እቅድ ህወሃት አዲስ አበባን እንዲቆጣጠር የተወሰነው ውሳኔ አሳዛኝና ከቶውንም ሊታመን የማይችል ነው። የሰከረ ርዕዮት ዓለም የሚከተሉ፣ በብሄርና በጎሳ ፖለቲካ ላይ የተተከሉ ጠባብ ቡድኖች፣ በስታሊናዊ መርህ የተጠመቁ፣ እንኳንስ 50 ሚሊዮን ህዝብ ያላት አገር ቤተሰብን የመምራትና የማስተዳደር ተሞክሮ የሌላቸው፣ አገርን መምራትን የሚያክል ታላቅ ሃላፊነት ማሸከም ለኔ ከአእምሮ በላይ ነው …” የዛሬ 22ዓመት ኮሎኔል ጎሹ ወልዴ ከተናገሩት፡፡

“አሜሪካኖች ነጻ እንድታወጡን አንጠይቃችሁም። የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ እንዴት ነጻ እንደሚወጣ ያውቃል። እናንተ ግን በነጻነት መንገዳችን ላይ ዕንቅፋት አትሁኑብን፤ (የነጻነት መንገዱን አትዝጉብን)። ከመንገዱ ላይ ገለል በሉ … እስካሁን ያልተሞከረ መንገድ አለ … እሱም እርቅ ነው … ከመንግሥትም ሆነ ከተቃዋሚው በኩል ዓመኔታ የሚጣልባቸው አሉ … ” አቶ ኦባንግ ሜቶ፡፡ “የሚታየኝ ጦርነት ነው፣ የርስ በርስ ግጭት ነው። የርስ በርስ ግጭት በኢትዮጵያ የመነሳቱ ጉዳይ የማይቀር ነው። አገሪቱ ላለፉት 21 ዓመታት በተጓዘችበት መንገድ አትቀጥልም። … ሕዝብ በጭቆና አገዛዝ እየተገዛ ዝም ብሎ የማይኖርበት ደረጃ ላይ ደርሷል … ዝም ብሎ ግን አይቀመጥም … ይፈነዳል … ይህን እንድትገነዘቡ እፈልጋለሁ” ዶ/ር ብርሃኑ ነጋ፡፡

አቶ መለስ “አሮጋንት /እብሪተኛ/፤ የፈለገውን ነገር በፈለገው ጊዜ የሚያደርግ ሰው … እንደነበር አዲስ አበባ ሄጄ ባነጋገርኩበት ወቅት አረጋግጫለሁ” ክሪስ ስሚዝ፡፡

“እድሜ ልካችሁን አትገዙም ብለን መክረናቸዋል” ዶናልድ ያማሞቶ፡፡

የምክክሩ መድረክ

“ኢትዮጵያ ድኅረ መለስ፤ የዴሞክራሲና ሰብዓዊ መብቶች የወደፊት ዕጣ በኢትዮጵያ” በሚል ርዕስ፤ ከኢትዮጵያ ሁለት ተናጋሪዎች ዶ/ር ብርሃኑ ነጋ እና አቶ ኦባንግ ሜቶ፤ በኢትዮጵያ የአሜሪካን አምባሳደር የነበሩትና በአሁኑ ወቅት በአሜሪካ የውጭ ጉዳይ ሚ/ር የአፍሪካ ጉዳዮች ተጠባባቂ ጸሐፊ ዶናልድ ያማሞቶ፣ የአሜሪካ የዓለምአቀፍ የልማት ተራድዖ የአፍሪካ ቢሮ ረዳት አስተዳዳሪ ኤሪል ጋስት፤ የማይክል አንሳሪ የአፍሪካ ተቋም ዳይሬክተር ዶ/ር ፒተር ፓሃም እንዲሁም በአምነስቲ ኢንተርናሽናል የመንግሥት ጉዳዮች ዋና ዳይሬክተር አዶቴ አክዌ የተጋበዙበት የምክክር ሸንጎ ላይ የቀረቡት ሃሳቦች በርካታ ጉዳዮችን የዳሰሱ ነበሩ።

ሰብሳቢው በአሜሪካ የተወካዮች ምክርቤት በአፍሪካ፣ በዓለምአቀፍ ጤናና ሰብዓዊ መብቶች እንዲሁም ዓለምአቀፋዊ ድርጅቶች ንዑስኮሚቴ ሰብሳቢ ክሪስቶፈር ስሚዝ ደግሞ ኢህአዴግ ከፍተኛ ገንዘብ አፍስሶ ያኮላሽው ኤችአር2003 የኢትዮጵያ የሰብዓዊ መብት ረቂቅ ህግ ከሟቹ ዶናልድ ፔይን ጋር በማዘጋጀት በምክርቤት ለማስወሰን ያስቻሉ ነበሩ።

የአዲሲቷ ኢትዮጵያ የጋራ ንቅናቄ (አኢጋን) ዋና ዳይሬክተር አቶ ኦባንግ ሜቶ፣ እንዲሁም በበክኔል ዩኒቨርሲቲ የኢኮኖሚክስ ተባባሪ ፕሮፌሰር የሆኑት የግንቦት 7 ሊቀ መንበር ዶ/ር ብርሃኑ ነጋ እንደ እምነታቸው ንግግር አድርገዋል።

ለተጠየቁት ጥያቄ ምላሽ ሰጥተዋል። በምክክር ሸንጎው ላይ ከተጋበዙት መካካል ኢህአዴግ በቀጥታ ባለመወከሉ “ያለመመጣጠን (ያለመወከል)” ችግር አልነበረም፡፡ ኢህአዴግም ተገኝቶ ቢሆን ኖር ሊናገረው ከሚችለው በላይ ተናጋሪና ተከራካሪ ስለነበረው የኢህአዴግ መኖር አስፈላጊ አልነበረም የሚል አስተያየት ስብሰባውን በአካል ተገኝተው ከታዘቡና በቀጥታ ስርጭት ከተከታተሉ ወገኖች ተደምጧል።

ያም ሆኖ ግን ምክክሩ ከመካሄዱ ቀደም ብሎ በአሜሪካ የኢትዮጵያ ኤምባሲ የበላይ ሰው ክሪስ ስሚዝ ቢሮ በመገኘት አሉ የሚሏቸውን መከራከሪያዎች አቅርበው ነበር። የጎልጉል ምንጮች ለማረጋገጥ እንደቻሉት ኢህአዴግ ምክክሩን ተከትሎ ኤች አር 2003 ረቂቅ ሕግ እንዳይጸድቅ የተጠቀመበትን መንገድ ገና ካሁኑ በድጋሚ ጀምሯል።

ለኢትዮጵያውያን ሁሉ እያደር የእግር እሳት ሆኖ ያለፈውን የ1997 ምርጫ ተከትሎ ወደ ኢትዮጵያ በማምራት ከኢህአዴግ መሪ አቶ መለስ ጋር በርካታ ዲፕሎማቶች ተነጋግረዋል። አንዱ ከኒውጀርሲ ጠቅላይግዛት የአሜሪካ ም/ቤት ተወካይ ክሪስ ስሚዝ ነበሩ።

“ኢትዮጵያ ከመለስ በኋላ” በሚል የተዘጋጀውን የምክክር ሸንጎ በመሪነታቸው ሲከፍቱ አቶ መለስን “አሮጋንት /እብሪተኛ/፤ የፈለገውን ነገር በፈለገው ጊዜ የሚያደርግ ሰው …” በማለት ነበር የገለጹዋቸው። የርሳቸው ገለጻ ታዲያ ከሁለት ዓስርተ ዓመታት በፊት ኢህአዴግ እንዲነግስ ሲወሰን ከቃል በላይ እሳት እየተፉ ንግግር ያደረጉትን ኢትዮጵያዊ አስታወሰ – የቀድሞው የውጭ ጉዳይ ሚኒስትር ኮ/ሎ ጎሹ ወልዴ!

“… ሆን ተብሎ በተቀነባበረ እቅድ ህወሃት አዲስ አበባን እንዲቆጣጠር የተወሰነው ውሳኔ አሳዛኝና ከቶውንም ሊታመን የማይችል ነው።

የሰከረ ርዕዮት ዓለም የሚከተሉ፣ በብሄርና በጎሳ ፖለቲካ ላይ የተተከሉ ጠባብ ቡድኖች፣ በስታሊናዊ መርህ የተጠመቁ፣ እንኳንስ 50 ሚሊዮን ህዝብ ያላት አገር ቤተሰብን የመምራትና የማስተዳደር ተሞክሮ የሌላቸው፣ አገርን መምራትን የሚያክል ታላቅ ሃላፊነት ማሸከም ለኔ ከአእምሮ በላይ ነው …” ኮሎኔል ጎሹ ወልዴ የትንቢት ያህል፤ ሳግ እየተናነቃቸው የኢትዮጵያን ተላልፎ መሰጠት በዚሁ በሰኔ ወር ከ22ዓመት በፊት አስረግጠው በማስረጃና በማስጠንቀቂያ በመቃወመ፣ በማሳሰብ፣ እንደማይሆን በመምከር፣ አድሮ እንደሚያቃጥል በማስጠንቀቅ፣ ላቀረቡት ንግግር የክሪስ ስሚዝ ገለጻ በማረጋገጫነት የሚቆም እውነት ይሆናል።

አሜሪካ ራስዋ ቀብታና ባርካ በትረ ሹመት የሰጠቻቸውን ሰዎች ከ22ዓመት በኋላ መልሳ “ገምግሙልኝ” ማለቷ አስገራሚ የሚሆንባቸው ጥቂት አይደሉም። ሰብሳቢው በመግቢያቸው የተናገሩት የኢትዮጵያ መንግስት ወቅታዊ መገለጫ፣ ቀደም ሲል ሚ/ር ያማሞቶን በመጥቀስ ዊኪሊክስ ይፋ ያደረጋቸውን መረጃዎች ለተከታተሉ “አሜሪካኖቹ ምን የማያውቁት ነገር አለና ነው የሚጠይቁት ያሰኛል” በሚል የሚገረሙ በርካታዎች ናቸው።

ለዚህ ይመስላል የአዲሲቷ ኢትዮጵያ የጋራ ንቅናቄ ዋና ዳይሬክተር አቶ ኦባንግ ሜቶ ታሪካዊውን የኮሎኔል ጎሹ “ትንቢትና የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብን የሚወክል የምልጃ መቃተት” በማስታወስ ቀዳሚ የሆኑት። አስከትለውም “አሜሪካኖች ነጻ እንድታወጡን አንጠይቃችሁም። የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ እንዴት ነጻ እንደሚወጣ ያውቃል። እናንተ ግን በነጻነት መንገዱን ላይ ዕንቅፋት አትሁኑበት። (ከመንገዱ ላይ ገለል በሉ)” የሚል መልክት አስተላለፉ።

የጋራ ንቅናቄው መሪ በድርጅታቸው መርህ ላይ ተመሥርተው በሰጡት የምስክርነት ቃል “ህወሓት እስካሁን በነጻአውጪ ስም አገር እየመራ እንደሆነ፤ መለስ ለህዝባቸው “ሬት” ለምዕራባውያንና “ማር” (የቤት ቀጋ፤ የውጭ አልጋ) ዓይነት መሪ እንደነበሩና የኢትዮጵያ ሕዝብ ላለፉት 22ዓመታት በመከራ ውስጥ ያለና የዛሬ 8ዓመት በዚሁ ቦታ ላይ ያማሞቶ ኢትዮጵያ በአቋራጭ መንገድ (ክሮስሮድ) ላይ እንደምትገኝ” መናገሩ አቶ ኦባንግ ካስታወሱ በኋላ “መቼ ነው መንገዱን የምናቋርጠው? ከስምንት ዓመት በኋላ አሁም አንሻገርም ወይ፤ አናቋርጠውም ወይ” በማለት ተሰብሳቢውን ያስደመመ ለሰብሳቢዎቹ ግልጽ ጥያቄ ጠይቀዋል፡፡

አቶ ኦባንግ ሲቀጥሉም “ኢትዮጵያውያን የምንጠይቀው በጣም ቀላል ጥያቄ ነው፤ አሜሪካኖች የሚመኩበትን ሰብዓዊ መብት እኛ ተነፍገናል፤ የራሳችን ክሪስ ስሚዝ ይኑሩን ብቻ ነው የምንለው” ካሉ በኋላ በኃይለሥላሴም ሆነ በመንግሥቱ ጊዜ ኢትዮጵያውያን ዕድላቸውን እንደተነፈጉ አስታውሰዋል፡፡ በወቅቱም በዚሁ ም/ቤት የዛሬ 22ዓመት በወርሃ ሰኔ ኮ/ሎ ጎሹ ወልዴ የዛሬዋን ኢትዮጵያን መተንበያቸውን አቶ ኦባንግ በንግግራቸው አስታውሰዋል፡፡ አሁንም የኢትዮጵያውያንን ቁርጠኛ አቋም ምን እንደሆነ ለአሜሪካውያኑ ግልጽ አድርገዋል “አሜሪካ እንድታድነን አይደለም የምንጠይቀው፤ ራሳችንን ማዳን እንችላለን፤ በነጻነት መንገዳችን ላይ ግን ዕንቅፋት አትሁኑብን፤ ራሳችንን ነጻ እናወጣለን፤ ኦባማ ለፕሬዚዳንትነት ሲወዳደር በርካታ ኢትዮጵያውያን ከሚያገኙት ጥቂት ደመወዝ ለምርጫው ዘመቻ ረድተው ነበር፤ ከኦባማ ግን የሰማነው ነገር እስካሁን ምንም የለም፤ ነጻነታችንን እየለመንን አይደለም፤ ራሳችንን ነጻ እናወጣለን” በማለት የበርካታ ኢትዮጵያውያንን የነጻነት መንፈስ የቀሰቀሰ ንግግር አድርገዋል፡፡

በመጨረሻም አሜሪካ ለኢትዮጵያ መንግሥት የዴሞክራሲ ለውጥ 300 ሚሊዮን ዶላር ዕርዳታ ሰጥቻለሁ እንደሚል ከጠቀሱ በኋላ “ይህ ሁሉ ገንዘብ የት ነው የገባው፤ የት ነው የሄደው” በማለት ኢህአዴግ ከቀበሌ ጀምሮ እስከላይ ሥልጣኑን እንደተቆጣጠረ፤ ሙስሊሙ መሪውን እንምረጥ ሲል አሸባሪ ተብሎ እንደሚፈረጅ ነገር ግን እኛ ኢትዮጵያውያን ከሙስሊም ወገኖቻችን ጋር አገርና መሬት ብቻ ሳይሆን የምንጋራው በደም የተሳሰርን መሆናችን አስረግጠው ተናግረዋል፡፡

አንድ ጊዜም እንኳን ጦርነት ሰብከውም ሆነ መሳሪያ አንስተው የማያውቁ መሆናቸውን የተናገሩት ኦባንግ፤ በኢትዮጵያ መንግሥት “አሸባሪ” መባላቸውን በመናገር የኢህአዴግን አሸባሪነት አጋልጠዋል፡፡ እስካሁን በአገራችን ላይ የፈሰሰው ደም በቂ እንደሆነ የጠቆሙት የጋራ ንቅናቄው መሪ፤ በኤድስና ምግብ በማጣት የረደሰብን ዕልቂት በቂ እንደሆነና ከእንግዲህ ወዲህ መጋደል እንደሌለብን ሆኖም ከኢህዴግም ሆነ ከተቃዋሚ በኩል አመኔታ የሚጣልባቸው ሰዎች ስላሉ እስካሁን ያልተሞከረውን የዕርቅ መንገድ (ሥራ) በኢትዮጵያ መከናወን እንዳለበት አቶ ኦባንግ ሜቶ በሚመሩት ድርጅት መርህና በሚታገሉለት የማዕዘን ሃሳብ ላይ ተተርሰው ሃሳባቸውን አጠቃልለዋል፡፡

በምክክር ሸንጎው ላይ የተገኙት የግንቦት 7 ሊቀመንበር ዶ/ር ብርሃኑ ነጋ በበኩላቸው የንግግራቸውና የማሳሰቢያቸው ማሳረጊያ ሊባል የሚችል መልዕክት አስተላልፈዋል። ዶ/ር ብርሃኑ “አስተውሉ፣ ልብ ብላችሁ ተገንዘቡ” በማለት ያሳሰቡት ዛሬ ኢትዮጵያን የሚወዱ ሁሉ የሚጠበቡበት፣ እንዲከሰት የማይፈልጉትን የመጨረሻው ስጋት ነው።

በምክሩ ላይ በቀዳሚነት ምልከታቸውን ያብራሩት ዶ/ር ብርሀኑ ኢህአዴግ የዘረጋው የአፈና ስርዓት ያስመረረው ህዝብ፣ ኢህአዴግ ሆን ብሎ የሚያንኮታኩታቸው የፖለቲካ ፓርቲዎች፣ ሆን ብሎ የሚተናኮለው ህዝብ፣ ያለው ብቸኛ አማራጭ ብረት ማንሳት ብቻ እንደሆነ አመልክተዋል። በቅርቡ የኢህአዴግ የአፈና ስርዓት ፈተና እንደሚገጥመው ተናግረዋል።

የኢትዮጵያ አለመረጋጋት ቀጣናውን በሙሉ እንደሚረብሽና የአሜሪካንን ጥቅም በእጅጉ እንደሚጎዳ ዶ/ር ብርሃኑ በግልጽ በማስረዳት አሜሪካ ገንዘቧን በተገቢው ቦታ ላይ ማዋል እንዳለባት ምክር ሰጥተዋል፡፡ በአሁኑ ጊዜ የተቃዋሚ ኃይሎች አማራጭ ከማጣት የተነሳ ብረት ማንሳታቸውን የጠቆሙት የግንቦት 7 ሊቀመንበር፤ ሕዝብ ዝም ብሎ በአስከፊ አገዛዝ ሥር እየኖረ እንደማይቀጥል አስጠንቅቀዋል፡፡

በመሆኑም አማራጭ ሲጠፋ ባገኘው መንገድ ሁሉ መብቱን ወደማስጠበቅ እንደሚገፋና በአሁኑ ወቅትም የተቃዋሚ ኃይሎች በመተባበር በኢህአዴግ ላይ ጥቃት መሰንዘር የሚስችላቸውን ብቃትና ኅብረት እንደፈጠሩ ጠቁመዋል፡፡ ይህ ሊሆን የቻለውም ኢህአዴግ በምንም መልኩ የማይሰማና በሰላማዊ መንገድ ሥልጣን ለማስረከብ የማይችል መሆኑን በተለይ በ1997 ምርጫ ካስታወቀ ወዲህ በግልጽ የሚከተለው መርህ በራሱ ማስረጃ እንደሆነ ዶ/ር ብርሃኑ በጥያቄ መልክ ለቀረበላቸው ማብራሪያ ሰጥተዋል፡፡

የኢህአዴግ የደምሥር የውጭ ዕርዳታ እንሆነ የተናገሩት የግንቦት 7 መሪ አሜሪካ ከአውሮጳውያን ጋር በመተባበርና ለእያንዳንዱ የተሃድሶ ዕርምጃ ቀነ ገደብ በመሥጠት በተሰጠው ገደብ ውስጥ እስረኞች ካልተፈቱ፤ የምርጫ ኮሚሽን ካልተቀየረ፤ ወዘተ በማለት ዕርዳታው እንደሚቆም በማስጠንቀቅ አሜሪካውያኑ ለኢህአዴግ መመሪያ ቢሰጡ ለገንዘብ ሲል ኢህአዴግ ሊታዘዝ እንደሚችል አስረድተዋል፡፡

በመጨረሻም በድጋሚ የሰብሳቢውን ስም በመጥራት ትኩረት የጠየቁት ዶ/ር ብርሃኑ “የሚታየኝ ጦርነት ነው፣ የርስ በርስ ግጭት ነው። የርስ በርስ ግጭት በኢትዮጵያ የመነሳቱ ጉዳይ ነው። አገሪቱ ላለፉት 21 ዓመታት በተጓዘችበት መንገድ አትቀጥልም። ይህን እንድትገነዘቡ እፈልጋለሁ” ብለዋል። ከክሪስ አንደበት

ሰብሳቢው ክሪስ ስሚዝ በምክርቤት ስብሰባ ላይ ድምጽ መስጠት በሚገባቸው ረቂቅ ህጎች ላይ ሲሳተፉ ስለነበር ምክከሩ የጀመረው ከታቀደው ሰዓት 1፡30 ያህል ዘግይቶ በመሆኑ ይቅርታ በመጠየቅ ነበር መንበራቸው ላይ ተሰይመው ንግግር ጀመሩት። የምክክሩ ሊቀመንበር አቶ መለስ የዘረጉት አገዛዝ የሰብዓዊ መብት ረገጣ ልዩ ባህሪው እንደሆነ የተለያዩ ማስረጃዎችን በመጥቀስ ምክከሩን ከፈቱ። ምክክሩ በኢትዮጵያ ስላለው ወቅታዊ የሰብዓዊ መብቶችና የዴሞክራሲ ጉዳይ ላይ እንደሚያተኩርና የአሜሪካ መንግሥት ምን ማድረግ እንዳለበት የሚያመላከት ምክር የሚካሄድበት እንደሆነ አስገነዘቡ።

ኢትዮጵያ እስላማዊ አሸባሪነትን በቀጣናው በመዋጋት የአሜሪካ ደጋፊ አገር ሆና መቆየቷን፣ ሆኖም ግን በተመሳሳይ መልኩ የኢትዮጵያ መንግሥት ለሚፈጽመው ተደጋጋሚ የሰብዓዊ መብቶች ረገጣ የአሜሪካ መንግሥት የኢትዮጵያን መንግሥት ተጠያቂ ማድረግ እስካሁን አለመቻሉን ሳይሸሽጉ ተናገሩ።

የፖለቲካ ድርጅቶች በነጻነት መንቀሳቀስ አለመቻላቸውን፣ መንግስታዊ ባልሆኑ የግብረ ሰናይ ድርጅቶች (መያዶች) ላይ ጥብቅ ቁጥጥር እንደሚደረግ፣ ጋዘጠኞች እንደሚታሰሩ፣ በርካታ ዜጎች ከመሬታቸው እንደሚፈናቀሉ ወዘተ በመዘርዘር አስረዱ።

የአሜሪካ የዕርዳታ ድርጅት – ዩኤስኤይድ እንደሚለው ከሆነ ከኢትዮጵያ መንግሥት ጋር ግልጽ ግንኙነት ማድረግ ወደፊት የዴሞክራሲና የለውጥ ሂደቶችን ለማሳካት ይረዳል ተብሎ ቢታሰብም፣ በክሪስ ስሚዝ አመለካከት ግን እምነቱ ሊተገበር የሚችል ቢመስልም እስካሁን ምንም ፍሬ እንዳላመጣ ሳይሸሽጉ ተናግረዋል።

እንደ አምነስቲ ኢንተርናሽናል መረጃ መሠረት በኢትዮጵያ እየተካሄደ ያለው ስልታዊ አፈናና የሰብዓዊ መብቶች ረገጣ ለሌሎች አገራት መጥፎ ምሳሌ እየሆነ መሄዱን ሊቀመንበር ስሚዝ ጠቅሰዋል፡፡ ንጹሃን ዜጎች ስቃይ፣ ድብደባ እንደሚደርስባቸው፣ በኤሌክትሪክ እንደሚጠበሱና የግዳጅ ወሲብ እንደሚፈጸምባቸው፣ የአምነስቲ ሪፖርት መዘገቡን ክሪስ ስሚዝ በእማኝነት ተናግረዋል፡፡

ራሳቸው ክሪስ ስሚዝ በኢትዮጵያ ጉዳይ ላይ ረቂቅ ህግ አዘጋጅተው እንደነበርና በወቅቱ የነበረው የጆርጅ ቡሽ አስተዳደር ግን ኢትዮጵያን በአሸባሪነት ላይ ወዳጅ በማድረጉ ምክንያት በነበረው ቸልተኝነት የተነሳ ተፈጻሚ ሳይሆን መቅረቱን አስታውቀዋል። ሚ/ር ስሚዝ እነዚህን ጉልህ ህጸጾች በመጠቆም ምክክሩ ላይ ተናጋሪ እንዲሆኑ የተጋበዙትን ክፍሎች በየተራ በማስተዋወቅ ጋብዘዋል። ከንግግሩ በኋላም ጥያቄዎችን ጠይቀዋል። ሌሎች ተሳታፊዎችም ጥያቄ በመሰንዘር ማብራሪያ እንዲወስዱ ተደርጓል። ያማማቶ ምን አሉ?

ያማሞቶ በመግቢያ ንግግራቸው መለስን አወድሰዋል። አፍሪካን በዓለም መድረክ ከፍ እንድትል ያደረጉ መሪ በማለት አመስግነው ኢትዮጵያ ተሰሚነቷ እንዲጨምር ያደረጉ፣ ተሟጋችና ጎበዝ ተናጋሪ እንደነበሩ መስክረዋል።

ኢኮኖሚውን አሳድገዋል፣ ኢትዮጵያን በቀጣናውና በዓለም ታዋቂ አድርገዋል፣ በሶማሊያ ተሟጋች፣ በሱዳን አስታራቂ፣ በአፍሪካ የአየርንብረት ጉዳይ ደግሞ አንደበተ ርዕቱ አፈቀላጤ ነበሩ በማለት የኢትዮጵያ ቴሌቪዥንና ሬዲዮ ድርጅት ከሚደረድረው በላይ ቃል አከማችተው ምስጋና ቸረዋቸዋል።

ያማማቶ በማያያዝ እንደ አምባሳደርነታቸው በኢትዮጵያ ያለውን የፖለቲካ ምህዳር መጥበብ አስመልክቶ አቶ መለስን ማነጋገራቸውን ጠቁመዋል። በሰብዓዊ መብቱን መጓደል ዙሪያም በተመሳሳይ መነጋገራቸውን አክለዋል።

ካሊፎርኒያ ሎሳንጅለስ “ትንሿ ኢትዮጵያ” ወረዳ ተወካይ የምክርቤት አባል ሚስዝ ባስ፤ ያማሞቶን መስቀለኛ ጥያቄ አቅርበውላቸው ነበር። ጠያቂዋ “የኢህአዴግ መንግሥት ዋናው ችግር ምንድነው? ለምንድነው ይህንን ሁሉ መከራና አፈና የሚያካሂደው” በማለት የመገረም የሚመስል ጥያቄ ጠይቀዋል።

ያማሞቶ እንደ መንተባተብ ሲሉ “ችግሩ ምንድ ነው?” በማለት ባስ በድጋሚ ጥያቄያቸውን ወረወሩ። “ችግሩ እንዳለ ነው” ሲሉ ደግመው መልስ የሰጡት ያማሞቶ “ጠቅላይ ሚ/ር ሃይለማርያም አፍሪካ ኅብረት ስብሰባ ላይ እንዳሉት ነው፣ የዴሞክራሲ እሴቶች አስፈላጊ ናቸው፣ መጥፎ ህጎች መወገድ አለባቸው፣ እንስራ፣ እንሞክር ብለዋል” አሉና መለሱ።

ኮንግሬስማን ሜዶውስ በኢትዮጵያ ኢህአዴግ ሁሉን ተቆጣጥሮዋል፤ እኛ አሜሪካኖች ምን ልናደርግ እንችላለን? እንዴት ነው ልናስተካክለው የምንችለው? የሚል ጥያቄ ለያማሞቶ ወረወሩ። ያማሞቶም “ከምርጫው በኋላ ደስተኞች አለመሆናችንን ተናግረናል፡፡ ከበስተጀርባና በፊትለፊት እየሰራን ያለነው ነገር አለ፡፡ ጊዜ የሚወስድ ነው፡፡ ለምሳሌ በሴቶች ላይ የሚደረግ የመብት ጉዳይ አለ እናም ይህንን ከዩስኤድ ጋር እየሰራን ነው” አሉ፡፡

ሜዶውስ የረኩ አይመስልም “እና ያለው ፍርሃት ምንድርነው?” ሲሉ በድጋሚ መልስ መፈለጋቸውን አመለከቱ። “ነግረናቸዋል ፣ ለዘላለም ልትገዙ አትችሉም። ስለዚህ የተቃዋሚውን ተሳትፎ ማበረታታት አለባችሁ ። እነዚህ ተቃዋሚዎች አንድ ቀን መንግሥት ይሆናሉ። ስለዚህ ዝግጅት መደረግ አለበት ብለናቸዋል” የሚል የደፈና መልስ ከያማሞቶ ተሰጠ።

ጋንት፤ የዩኤስ ኤይድ ረዳት ዳይሬክተር

የሴፍቲኔት ፕሮግራም እየተካሄደ መሆኑንና በአሁኑ ሰዓት ኢትዮጵያ እየተረጋጋች እንደሆነ፣ ከዚህም ጋር በማከል ኢኮኖሚው እያደገ እንደሆነ ልክ የኢህአዴግ ወኪል መስለው ተናገሩ። ሰብሳቢው ስሚዝ “ቶርቸር በየቦታው አለ እና ይህንን እንዴት ነው ለማስታረቅ ወይም ለማቆም የሚቻለው?” ሲሉ ማብራሪያ ጠየቁ። ሚ/ር ጋንት “አስቸጋሪ ነገር ነው። ቶርቸር እንዳለ እናውቃለን ግን ዋናው ሥራችን መልካም ነገሮችን ለማበረታታት ነው የምንሞክረው” የሚል ምላሽ ሰጡ።

በሚ/ር ጋንት ንግግር ላይ ተንተርሰው ተጨማሪ ጥያቄ ያቀረቡት ክሪስ ስሚዝ፣ ኢትዮጵያ ትምህርትን አስመልክቶ የሚሊኒየም ጎል ተሳክቷል ማለታቸውን ጠቅሰው “ጋንት ግን እኮ ጥራቱ በጣም የዘቀጠ እንደሆነ ነው ሪፖርቱ የሚያሳየው” ሲሉ ሞገቱዋቸው። የዩኤስ አይዲው ዳይሬክተር ጋንት “አዎ ችግር አለ ግን በርካታ መምህራን ተሰማርተዋል በትምህርቱ በኩል ዕድገት አለ” የሚል መልስ መመለሳቸው ለግንዛቤ ያህል የሚጠቀስ ሆኖ አግኝተነዋል።

ያማሞቶና ጋንት ያቀረቡትን ንግግርና ምስጋና ያደመጡ፣ በአካል ተገኝተው የተከታቱተሉ እንዳሉት በምክክሩ ላይ ኢህአዴግ ቢገኝም የሚጨምረው ምንም ነገር ሊኖር እንደማይችል አመልክተዋል።

ዳግም HR2003

የዛሬ አስር ዓመት፤ ኤች አር 2003 በምክር ቤት ደረጃ ከፍተኛ የሸንጎ (ኮንግሬስ) አባላትን ድጋፍ ካገኘ በኋላ የሕግ መወሰኛ ም/ቤት (ሴኔት) አጽድቆት በፕሬዚዳንቱ ተፈርሞ ፖሊሲ ሆኖ እንዲጸድቅ ባለመደረጉ ተቋማዊና አስተዳደራዊ ለውጥ ሊያመጡ የሚችሉ ጉዳዮች መከኑ።

የህጉ መርቀቅና እንዲጸድቅ የተጀመረው እንቅስቃሴ ያስበረገገው ኢህአዴግ ጡረተኛ የሴኔት አባላት ከሚመሩት ዲኤልኤ ፓይፐር ከተባለ የጎትጓች (ሎቢ) ቡድን ጋር ከፍተኛ በጀት በጅቶ ታገለ። ባፈሰሰላቸው መጠን ጎትጓቾቹ ባልደረቦቻቸውን ጠመዘዙና ህጉ አሜሪካ በኢትዮጵያ ላይ የምትከተለው አዲስ የዴሞክራሲና የሰብዓዊ መብት ህግ እንዳይሆን ተደረገ። ይህንኑ ህግ በማዘጋጀት ከሟቹ የምክርቤት አባል ዶናልድ ፔይን ጋር በወቅቱ ብዙ ደከሙት ክሪስ ስሚዝ የወቅቱን የቡሽ አስተዳደርን በንዝላልነት መድበው አሁን ይሀንኑ ህግ ተግባራዊ የሚደረግበትን አግባብ እንደሚገፉበት አመልክተዋል።

እንዴት እዚህ ተደረሰ?

የኢህአዴግን የአገዛዝ ዘመን ተቃዋሚዎችን አጃቢ አድረጎ የህግ ሽፋን በመስጠት የሚያራዝመው ዋና ተቋም ምርጫ ቦርድ፣ የፕሬስ ነጻነት፣ የመናገርና የመሰብሰብ ነጻነት፣ የህግ የበላይነት፣ ሕግን የማክበርና የማስከበር ሃላፊነት፤ ወዘተ በኢትዮጵያ ነጻ ከሆኑ ኢህአዴግ ከፊትለፊቱ ካለው ምርጫ የመዝለል አቅም እንደሌለው ይታመናል። ስለዚህም ለድርድር አያቀርባቸውም። ኢህአዴግ ከጅምሩ በህዝብ የማይታመነውና እውቅና የሚነፈገው ራሱን በነጻ አውጪ (ህወሓት) የሰየመ መንግስት ስለሆነ ነው። ነጻ አውጪ እየተባለ አገር መምራቱ አቅዶ፤ ተልሞና መድረሻውን አስልቶ የሚጓዝ ስለመሆኑ ያሳብቅበታል።

ለዚህም ይመስላል ስርዓቱ በሙስና የሸተተ፣ በግፍ የገለማ፣ የሚመራውን ህዝብ የሚገል፣ የሚያስር፣ የሚያሰቃ፣ መንግስት ሆኖ የሚሰርቅ፣ ብሔራዊ ክብርን የሚጠላ፣ ህብረትንና አንድነትን የሚጠየፍ፣ ጎሳና ጠባብ አመለካከት ላይ የተቀረጸ፣ በተራና በወረደ ተግባሩ ለመንግስትነት የማይመጥን መሆኑን የተረዱት አጋሮቹ አሁን ያመረሩበት ደረጃ ስለመዳረሳቸው ምልክቶች እንዳሉ አቶ ኦባንግ ሜቶ ለጎልጉል ተናግረዋል።

ይህ የምክክር ሸንጎ እንዴት ሊዘጋጅ ቻለ ለሚለው ጥያቄ በርካታ ጥረቶች መካሄዳቸውን በመግለጽ ዝርዝር ያላቀረቡት አቶ ኦባንግ ሐሙስ በተካሄደው ምክክር በመካከል ላይ ሚ/ር ስሚዝና ሌሎቹ ተወካዮች በምክርቤት ድምጽ መስጠት ስለነበረባቸው ምክክሩ ተቋርጦ እንደገና ሲጀመር ያልታዩበትን ምክንያት ተናግረዋል። ምክክሩ በተባለው ሰዓት ተጀምሮ ያልቃል የሚል እምነት ስለነበራቸው ሌላ ተደራራቢ የጉዞ መርሃግብር አመቻችተው እንደነበር አመልክተዋል።

“አሁን ስራ ላይ ነኝ” ያሉት አቶ ኦባንግ “እስራኤል አገር ለሁለት ከፍተኛ ጉዳዮች መጓዝ ነበረብኝ። አንዱ የወገኖቻችን ጉዳይ ነው። ሌላኛው ደግሞ የአገራችን ጉዳይ ነው። ከጉዞዬ በኋላ ማብራሪያ ለመስጠት እችላለሁ” በማለት ሁለተኛው ስብሰባ ሲካሄድ እርሳቸው ወደ እስራኤል ለሥራ እየተጓዙ እንደነበር አስታውቀዋል።

“Ethiopia After Meles: The Future of Democracy and Human Rights

Testimony By Mr. Obang Metho

I would like to thank the Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, Congressman Edward Royce, and all ranking members of the Subcommittee on Africa, Global Health, Global Human Rights and International Organizations for this important opportunity to examine the Ethiopian Government’s observance of democratic and human rights principles in post-Meles Ethiopia.

I want to especially thank Congressman Christopher Smith, the Chairman of the Subcommittee on Africa for his extraordinary leadership in bringing the case of Ethiopia to the attention of this subcommittee once again; particularly in light of the many pressing global issues. In 2006, Congressman Smith worked hard to bring this issue all the way from subcommittee to the House, where it faced obstacles and died. I hope this time, something more concrete and productive can be accomplished for the betterment of both our countries.

In 2006, I gave testimony at that previous hearing in regards to the massacre of 424 members of my own ethnic group, the Anuak, in 2003, perpetrated by members of the Ethiopian National Defense Forces. I also testified regarding the ongoing crimes against humanity and destruction of property and infrastructure in the Gambella region of Ethiopia; however, because similar abuses were being perpetrated in other places in the country, I also spoke of the 193 peaceful protestors who were shot and killed as they peacefully protested the results of the flawed 2005 national election and the repression in Oromia. This also included testimony regarding the imprisonment of opposition leaders, including Dr. Berhana Nega, who is sitting next to me today.

Now I am here once again to testify about these same kinds of issues because Ethiopians have only seen increasing restrictions to their freedom and a continuation of government-sponsored human rights violations in every region of the country. This includes the illegal eviction of great numbers of Ethiopians from their ancestral homes and land, causing great hardship to the people. It also includes egregious human rights atrocities in places like the Ogaden [Somali] region, which is blocked from the outside world by the regime. It has obstructed the media from reporting on the great suffering of the people being perpetrated by government forces, which has been described as a silent genocide. Two Swedish journalists were arrested, detained and charged as terrorists before being released last year. However, the Ogaden is not alone for every region of the country has become a victim to this regime.

Sadly, little, in terms of rights, has changed post-Meles. The only change is that he is no longer here. Although the rapid decline in freedom and rights was led by Meles, he and his cabinet and ministers established an apparatus of strong-armed control that continues to reach from the top offices of the federal government to rural villages throughout Ethiopia. That infrastructure of repression, which carries out much of the day-to-day enforcement of EPRDF control and the perpetration of human rights violations, is still in place and marks the near achievement of a secretive and chilling plan put into motion in June 1993 under the name: TPLF/EPRDF’s Strategies for Establishing its Hegemony & Perpetuating its Rule , which was said to have been given to all their cadres for its execution. An abridged translation of the 68-page Amharic document is now available online.

This plan, based on Marxist ideology, was brought to our attention by one of the members of the TPLF who reported to us strict adherence to this plan by its cadres. The plan aligns closely with the nature of the TPLF when they were still fighting in the bush as well as the Ethiopia of today.

Prior to defeating the brutal Derg regime in 1991, Meles led the Marxist-Leninist based rebel group, the Tigrayan Peoples Liberation Front (TPLF), also so known for its brutality in the bush that the U.S. State Department had classified them as a terrorist group at the time. When they took over power, they formed a new coalition party made up of separate ethnic-based parties. It was called the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) and was meant to appear to be a multi-ethnic government but in fact, it has been controlled from the beginning by the TPLF who have never abandoned the goal of perpetual hegemony.

The EPRDF’s structure was based around ethnically defined regions and political parties, but at the grassroots level, all regions and parties, though appearing to be led by leaders of the same ethnicity as the region, were instead pro-TPLF/ERPDF puppets, who implemented their policies. By its nature, this division of Ethiopia by ethnicity was a guise meant to dupe the public and the west by its appearance of being democratic; however, in practice, it has contributed to the prolongation of ethnic-based divisions while strengthening the power of the TPLF, assuring its control of the EPRDF even though Tigrayans are a minority, making up only 6% of the total population. However, this does not mean the TPLF speaks for many Tigrayans who have become disillusioned with the TPLF/EPRDF.

In short, the TPLF’s plan of revolutionary democracy, which is more closely aligned with the Chinese model than the liberalism of the west, was clearly designed to achieve perpetual hegemony over every aspect of Ethiopian life. In the above-stated plan, they warn that they can achieve their goals “only by winning the elections successively and holding power without let up.” They warn, “If we lose in the elections even once, we will encounter a great danger... [so] we should win in the initial elections and then create a conducive situation that will ensure the establishment of this hegemony.” In 2010, the TPLF/ERPDF successfully accomplished this goal and won their fourth election with an alleged 99.6% of the votes and all but one of the 547 seats in the Ethiopian Parliament.

This also was accomplished through gaining control every sector of society: the media, all aspects of government and civil service, all political space, elections, the judiciary, the passing and interpretation of laws to suit their goals, the financial sector, education, the military, the economic sector, religious groups, civic society, government ownership of all land and government control in the extraction of natural resources. The principles upon which America was founded are absent in Ethiopia despite all the democratic rhetoric.

The TPLF/EPRDF is more in control today than it was in 2006 and continues to hold that power despite the death of their central figure. It has become near to impossible to find any political space for the development of a viable alternative to the TPLF/EPRDF because dissenters, activists or anyone speaking for change will be put in jail. It has become a full-blown autocracy. Anyone who attempts to speak up is silenced. All has been justified by saying that Ethiopia has double digit economic growth and that they have met their millennium goals and that the people are too ignorant to understand how they will eventually benefit;

however, the people know that this is not balanced growth but instead has “filled the pockets and bellies” of government supporters as laid out in the 1993 plan. Claims of economic gains also serve to minimize or cover up the reality on the ground of the increased poverty of the majority. Supporters of the TPLF/EPRDF policies and tactics are rewarded while non-supporters are penalized in a variety of ways. The most marginalized masses are ignored unless they become an impediment to the TPLF/ERPDF plan of exploitation of land or natural resources. Here is an explanation of that strategy from the original TPLF/ERPDF plan:
The combined strength of the State and Revolutionary Democracy’s economic institutions should be used either to attract the support or to neutralize the opposition of the intelligentsia. We should demonstrate to it that our economic strength could serve its interests, and, in the event of its opposition to us, its belly and pocket could be made empty.

Examples of the practice of the above strategy are rampant. According to a Human Rights Watch report, following the 2010 election, even humanitarian aid was linked to party membership.

Record numbers of refugees are leaving the country, regardless of the risks, because so little opportunity exists for the average person, let alone for more outspoken dissenters. Laws such as the Charities and Societies Proclamation have literally closed down civil society, replacing institutions with TPLF/ERPDF controlled look-alike organizations. A vague anti-terrorism law has been used to silence journalists, editors, democracy activists, religious leaders and opposition members by intimidating them, arresting them or charging and imprisoning them as terrorists. Examples are our heroes of freedom such as Eskinder Nega, Reeyot Alemu and Andualem Arage.

Into this highly controlled milieu, the new Prime Minister, Hailemariam Desalegn, has emerged. He is neither Tigrayan nor is he part of the old guard of TPLF loyalists but instead comes from the South, helping to counter accusations of TPLF domination of the EPRDF. Reportedly, his appointment was hotly contested; however, because he had held the position of Deputy Prime Minister it may have provided the least controversial transition. Insider information reports he has little power and that his actions are all closely monitored by the TPLF central committee. As another means of control, three deputy prime ministers of different ethnicity were appointed and are said to hold more power than the prime minister. Reports have also surfaced that power struggles within the party leadership have split the top power holders and remain unresolved. These intraparty conflicts could deepen as the next election comes closer, with unpredictable, but possibly dangerous results. Hoping that this problem will resolve on its own is unrealistic and a recipe for disaster.

The TPLF/ERPDF has so effectively constructed a system of repression in Ethiopia that it will likely carry on for awhile; however Meles, the driving force who charmed the west while terrorizing the people, remains their main visionary leader. Billboards around Addis Ababa show his picture and the TPLF/ERPDF continues to elevate his legacy, possibly because no one else within the party has been able to articulate another, more timely or urgently-needed vision. This opens them up to new challenges from the dissatisfied majority that they may not be able to dodge. Intraparty conflicts may also further exacerbate the situation. Add to that pressure from the outside, like from Egypt, neighboring countries or others and the situation may either explode or implode without reforms. Although the TPLF/EPRDF has shown little openness to reforms, with enough pressure from the people and donors like the U.S., it might create a win-win situation to bring about such reforms without violence, chaos and a spillover effect in the Horn of Africa.

The road to democracy and respect for human rights in Ethiopia must be solved by Ethiopians, but the U.S. has a role to play as well. I believe the current U.S. policy of quiet diplomacy will actually contribute to a worse outcome. We should learn from what happened in the Arab Spring, when forces of a frustrated public joined together to oust Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak. It took many by surprise, especially those who had sided with an authoritarian regime rather than the people, thinking Mubarak was so powerful that he could not be brought down. This alliance with an authoritarian regime makes it much more difficult in the aftermath to reestablish a meaningful partnership with Egyptians that goes beyond giving large amounts of foreign aid.

Undoubtedly, many Ethiopians attribute U.S. support to Ethiopia, including partnership in the War on Terror, as a means that has prolonged the life of a repressive, undemocratic regime. Will the U.S. be pro-active in aligning with the people; something that will help sustain a long-term relationship with Ethiopians? Unfortunately, the tendency of most entrenched groups and their supporters, foreign or native, is to continue the status quo without any change; however, in Ethiopia, there is a window of opportunity before the next election in 2015 to set the stage for meaningful reforms. The U.S. and other donor countries should not simply stand by, using the rationale that there is no viable alternative to work with because the TPLF/ERPDF has been so effective in blocking access to political space and will not easily give up on this. This must be taken into consideration for how can you build an alternative in this kind of repressive environment? You cannot put someone out in the middle of nowhere with no material and tell them to build something. It will not work.

With these limitations in mind, the Ethiopian public, both at home and in the Diaspora, are now working to bring the change. Some of that change can be seen from what happened last week in Addis Ababa when Ethiopians came out in mass numbers to peacefully rally for freedom and justice in Ethiopia based on a call from the newly emerging Blue party. With minimal resources, the Blue party reached out to the public in an inclusive way and the groundswell of response from ethnically, politically and religiously diverse Ethiopians surprised even them. They called on the people and the people answered. Yet, the TPLF/ERPDF warned that Muslims who joined together with Christians and others in the rally were extremists. This defies the reality on the ground.

For the last year, Ethiopian Muslims have been peacefully rallying in their compound, asking for freedom to practice religion without government interference into their internal affairs. In violation of the Ethiopian Constitution, the TPLF/ERPDF has been choosing their religious leaders, ensuring those leaders were pro-government. The TPLF/ERPDF has done the same within the Ethiopian Orthodox Church leading to the church breaking into two divisions—the government approved church in Ethiopia and the other in exile here in the U.S. – a divide and conquer strategy of gaining hegemony of religious groups addressed in the TPLF/EPRDF master plan of 1993. Within that plan, religious groups were to be “used to disseminate the views of Revolutionary Democracy...and if that is not possible we should try to curtail their obstructionist activities…Without denying them due respect, we should mold their views, curtail their propaganda against Revolutionary Democracy, and even use them to serve our end.”

The TPLF/ERPDF government will do anything to label the Muslims as extremists and radicals to be feared by the west; however, Ethiopian Muslims, Christians and Jews have lived together for thousands of years in harmony. We do not only share the land but we share blood. We are a family. We are brothers and sisters.
In twelve months of rallying, these peaceful Muslim protestors have never destroyed anything or hurt another person. They are not making a stand for Sharia law but instead for a secular state where all people will be free and where there is no government interference in the practice of any religion. Yet, the TPLF/EPRDF fears unity between diverse religious groups.

Reports have emerged of the TPLF/ERPDF’s intentions to divide people of different religious faith and to alarm the west by staging events themselves while blaming others. For example, inside reports allege that when Ethiopian Muslims were going to rally in front of the U.S. Embassy, they found out that pro-government forces were going to burn the American flag so they called off the entire rally. An eyewitness to the killing of Christians in 2007, reported to be by Muslims in the Oromo region of the country, were recognized by a relative to not be Muslims at all but government supporters.

I personally spoke to that survivor. It preceded the invasion into Somalia and is seen as an attempt to dupe the west. It must be understood that it profits this regime to do violence in the name of their opponents. Here is another example reported in Wikileaks where the U.S. had knowledge that the TPLF/ERPDF government had set the bombs in Addis Ababa several years ago so as scapegoat government opponents. They used it to justify the arrest of Oromo leaders as terrorists and to show a rising incidence of terrorist acts in Ethiopia, even though it was phony. Duping the west into supporting the TPLF/ERPDF was part of their original strategy laid out in the 1993 plan and is part of the reason for becoming a pseudo-democracy.

Division between ethnicities, regions, political parties and religious groups is the lifeblood of the TPLF/ERPDF. For the government to gain power and control, they are trying to alienate the people from each other and spread rumors regarding the makeup of those who are protesting. Just as they are calling Muslims extremists and terrorists, they are now trying to label the Blue party, to separate them from others, by accusing them of being funded by foreigners like Egypt. The fact that Christians and Muslims are rallying together for freedom and justice for all Ethiopians is a real threat to their existence. These kinds of tactics by the government are a sign that the status quo cannot continue and will be challenged in increasing unity among Ethiopians. The donor countries, including the US, should align with the people. This means supporting the people who are working from within and those who are trying to resolve the problem peacefully, without violence.

The proper sequence of reforms is critical to the success of the outcome.
1. Intellectual reform must come first, which means the people must have access to information and have the freedom to express it—the first freedom to be attacked by dictatorships and the first that needs to be restored to bring about change.
2. The second must be political reform; opening up political space so the choice of the people is reinstated. Then they are free to choose political leaders and groups who represent their interests and the interests of the country.
3. The third is constitutional reform which must rewrite, redefine or reinstate the most inclusive and beneficial relationship between the people and the state in the form of this “constitutional contract”; a contract which upholds the rights of the people and protects the people from the state, similar to African models where it is assumed anyone can become tyrannical so checks and balances must be established to control the power of the government, ensuring participatory democracy.
4. The fourth is institutional reform; meaning reforms of the judiciary, the parliament, the military, civil services, and other institutions where regime cronies are now in control. Institutions must be independent of the state or party for change to be accomplished and made sustainable.
5. Lastly, economic reforms are necessary but will not be inclusive until the other reforms are implemented, making the system more transparent, accountable, and just; unlike in places like Russia, Ivory Coast, Indonesia, Yugoslavia, Cameroon, Rwanda and the Philippines where economic advances were made; yet, regime cronies still controlled the institutions, the political system and the justice system, staging the conditions for a reversal of power and the re-emergence of repression and cronyism.

Poverty and corruption in Ethiopia will also increase the pressure for explosion. Recently, Kofi Annan spoke about the cost of corruption to the African people. Ethiopia is a primary example. Although many quote statistics of economic growth in Ethiopia, most of it is in the hands of a few. Prior to the release of the report by the Global Financial Task Force in their report titled: Illicit Financial Outflows from Developing Countries Over the Decade Ending in 2009, they stated on December 5, 2011 the following in regards to Ethiopia:

“The people of Ethiopia are being bled dry. No matter how hard they try to fight their way out of absolute destitution and poverty, they will be swimming upstream against the current of illicit capital leakage.”
Their report reveals that Ethiopia lost US11.7 billion in illegal capital flight from 2000-2009 and illicit financial outflows from Ethiopia nearly doubled in 2009 to US$3.26 billion—double the amount in the two preceding years—with the vast majority of that increase coming from corruption, kickbacks and bribery. When it comes to transparency, it does not exist in Ethiopia.

Here is another example. Human Rights Watch found evidence that World Bank money, which was to be used for services, was instead used by the government to displace the people from their land, later given to foreign and crony investors. Five villages in the Gambella region, hard hit with land grabs, accompanied by human rights violations, made an appeal to the World Bank regarding the improper use of its funds. An independent inspection panel investigated the grounds for the appeal for the World Bank. After meeting with the local people who had been displaced to refugee camps in Kenya and South Sudan, they recommended a full investigation after finding substantial evidence of the misuse of World Bank funds. Now the Ethiopian government has refused to cooperate. All donors to the World Bank should look into this because this is your money. If they have nothing to hide, why would they not allow an investigation?

People on the ground in Ethiopia live in fear of this regime, but many are coming to the point that they can no longer endure life without change and are willing to take a stand. Prior to the Blue party’s recent rally, a 26-year-old recent graduate sent me his thoughts. He said:


Obang, it is now just four hours before we go out to rally. We don’t know what will happen but this may be my last message because the last time I went out I went with three of my friends and I was the only one who came back. That was seven years ago after the 2005 election. I may be the one not come back this time but I am not afraid. I am looking at it like going into a war zone, but the only difference is the other side has a gun and we have nothing. If they shoot, I have nothing to deliver. This is the kind of country we live in. But, we have the moral high ground and this is what is making me go out. I want someone to know.

Ethiopia is a country which relies on the US as its number one supporter and here is one of their brave, but peace-loving heroes, going out not knowing what will happen to him and those with him. Most of you have met Ethiopians here in Washington D.C. as thousands of Ethiopians live and work in this city. They pay taxes to the same government that for too long has overlooked the serial violations of human rights and the emergence of a full-blown dictatorship.


Ethiopians have struggled under dictatorship for 40 years. With the death of Meles and the appointment of Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn until the next election in 2015, Ethiopians may have been given the most opportune moment in 21 years for change; however, if Ethiopians—or donor countries genuinely wanting to see democratic reforms—step back, waiting to see what will happen under this new arrangement of power, rather than actively creating a process of change that is owned and managed by the people of Ethiopia, this opportunity will most likely be hijacked and the “system” of repression will continue with the same or new “strongmen” at the helm. The only acceptable outcome for the Ethiopian people is nothing short of the transformation of Ethiopia to a new society and a New Ethiopia where humanity comes before ethnicity or any other distinctions for no one is free until all are free!


This is a time when the U.S. should use their influence to put pressure on the Ethiopian government for reforms rather than waiting for simmering tensions to explode. Support for a people-driven process is the best alternative to bring lasting change to Ethiopia, more sustainable peace to the Horn and a better ongoing partnership with the US.

Thank you!

Subcommittee Chairman Smith Opening Statement at Hearing on Ethiopia A

Ethiopian Telecom Corporation or Tele-corruporation?

June 17, 2013

by Alemayehu G. Mariam

“Ethiopian Telecommunications Corporation” (ETC)

In August 1998, the World Bank (WB) issued a corruption report on Ethiopia and summarized:

In the Government’s view, the following are the major determinants of corruption: a poorly functioning legal and judicial system inconsistent with the 1994 Constitution; an overregulated bureaucracy, emphasising regulation rather than service delivery; a low-paid civil service; a new yet rudimentary government, based on a federal structure; and weak budgetary and financial control, with an outdated procurement structure, and poorly trained financial staff…

That WB report made a number of recommendations to combat corruption including, “strengthening links with civil society and the private sector to identify critical areas relating to corruption”,  “elimination of excessive regulation”, “promotion of competitive market conditions and greater transparency”, and facilitation of  “dialogue among Parliament, Civil Service, Civil Society, the Private Sector, the Media, the government, the Chamber of Commerce,  other members of the business community, and civil society on implementing the anti-corruption program and developing complementary activities.”

By 2013, the “overregulated bureaucracy” of 1998 had become even more over-regulated. Government service delivery remains abysmally poor. The “new rudimentary government” had grown tentacles that crushed and pulverized everything in its reach. The “procurement structure” across agencies had been transformed 

into a bottomless vortex of corruption, fraud, waste and abuse of public funds, including foreign aid and international loans. The “poorly functioning legal and judicial system” evolved to become an exquisite kangaroo court system which permits arrest and incarceration of suspects without sufficient evidence. (Ethiopia is the only country in the world where the prosecution can arrest and jail suspects indefinitely while repeatedly asking leave of court to gather evidence of guilt on the suspects!) The “poorly trained staff” evolved into a sophisticated band of official thieves and swindlers. The regime that cemented itself in power in Ethiopia since 1998 is so corrupt that its venality is arguably exceeded only by the regime of General Sani Abacha of Nigeria in the mid-1990s who, alongside his family members, associates, cronies and supporters, looted Nigeria’s coffers to the tune of over USD$16 billion.

The two most effective anti-corruption institutions recommended in the 1998 WB report — the independent media and civil society organizations — have been totally decimated. In its January 2013 report, Human Rights Watch concluded, “The ruling party has passed a host of laws attacking the media and civil society, including the Charities and Societies Proclamation that has made independent human rights work in the country almost impossible. The state has frozen the assets of the last two remaining groups – the leading women’s rights organization, the Ethiopian Women Lawyers Association EWLA) – which has provided free legal aid to over 17,000 women – and the Human Rights Council (HRCO).” Ethiopia’s independent media has been annihilated with dozens of journalists in jail or in exile. According to Freedom House, “Ethiopia [in 2012] is currently the second-leading jailer of journalists in Africa, after Eritrea.”

Since the WB’s 1998 study, the cancer of corruption has metastasized throughout the Ethiopian body politic like cancer.  In 2011, Global Financial Integrity (GFI), the renowned organization that reports on “illicit financial flows” (illegal capital flight, mispricing, bulk cash movements, hawala transactions, smuggling, etc.) out of developing countries,  reported: “Ethiopia lost $11.7 billion to outflows of ill-gotten gains between 2000 and 2009… The people of Ethiopia are being bled dry. No matter how hard they try to fight their way out of absolute destitution and poverty, they will be swimming upstream against the current of illicit capital leakage.” The economy heaves under excessive regulation and taxation. The regime has a stranglehold on power and its supporters and cronies have sucked the economy dry. The regime operates in total secrecy and with no transparency and accountability for its official activities.

In June 2012, the World Bank issued its comprehensive 448-page “Diagnosing Corruption in Ethiopia”. It was a study of extraordinary depth and scale. It was a “clinical” diagnosis of cancerous corruption that has has metastasized throughout the country’s “health, education, rural water supply, construction, telecommunications, justice and land sectors”.

For crying out loud…

Over the past several months, I have commented on the 2012 WB’s corruption findings in the land  and education sectors in Ethiopia. Here I comment on corruption in the telecommunications sector.

According to the WB, corruption in the Ethiopian telecommunication sector specifically “includes bribery, extortion, fraud, deception, collusion, cartels, abuse of power, embezzlement, trading in influence, money laundering, and similar unlawful actions.” Billions of dollars have been lost in the telecommunications sector from outright theft, fraud, waste, abuse, profiteering, nepotism, kickbacks, sweetheart deals, shady dealings, malfeasance, mismanagement and mindboggling incompetence. There is little accountability and transparency in the “Ethiopian Telecommunications Corporation”; and it has become the home and playground of the most avaricious corruptoids in Ethiopia.

The 2012 WB report attributes corruption in the ETC to a number of factors including an “environment where there is a combination of exceptionally high investment costs and poor service delivery”, “lack of accountability for the sole service provider”, “anticompetitive practices in the market” and “serious mismanagement within the telecommunications sector.”

In its assessment of corruption in the telecommunications sector, the WB begins its analysis with the following ironic observation:

Ethiopia boasts the oldest functioning telephone system in Africa. In 1894, just 17 years after the invention of the telephone, work began on the provision of telephone and telegram communication between Addis Ababa and Harar, a distance of some 477 kilometers. [The regime]… invested some US$14 billion in infrastructure development between 1996 and 2006” [amounting to] about 10 percent of GDP in the sector, an unusually high level of investment by international standards…. [The investments] are currently directed into fixed, wireless and mobile network infrastructure, including third-generation (3G) mobile technology as well as a national fiber-optic backbone…”

Despite the country’s exceptionally heavy recent investment in its telecoms infrastructure, it has the second lowest telephone penetration rate in Africa. It once led the regional field in the laying of fiber-optic cable, yet suffers from severe bandwidth and reliability problems. And it boasted the first privately owned public telecoms service in Africa, yet is now the only nation on the continent still permitting a state-owned company to maintain a monopoly on all telecoms services. Amid its low service delivery, an apparent lack of accountability, and multiple court cases, some aspects of the sector are perceived by both domestic and international observers to be deeply affected by corruption.

Ethiopia established its telecommunications infrastructure the same year Europe laid its plan for the “Scramble for Africa”. In 1894, the Berlin Conference was held to enable European nations to chop up Africa and colonize it without the need for imperialistic wars among themselves. By 1904, telegraph lines ran into the capital Addis Ababa from Harar in the east, Tigray in the north and Jimma in the south.

According to Freedom House, in 2011, mobile, internet, and fixed line telecommunications in Ethiopia is the second lowest in all of Africa. According to the International Telecommunication Union (ITU), “in 2011, there were only 829,000 fixed telephone lines in actual operation (a decrease from 908,000 lines in 2010), serving a population of 83 million for a penetration rate of less than 1 percent.”  Internet penetration in Ethiopia, the second most populous country in Africa with a population approaching 90 million in 2013, is  less than 1  percent (0.7%), keeping that country at the tail end of all African countries;  and for that matter all countries in the world. The bar graph displayed below (obtained from the WB report) shows that in 2009, Kenya, Sudan, Somalia, Djbouti and Eritrea were ahead of Ethiopia in the percentage of internet users, and for all practical purposes in mobile and fixed line telecommunication services as well.

For crying out loud, how is possible for a country that has had telecommunications services for 119 years and “boasted having the oldest functioning telephone system in Africa” to have the lowest telecommunications penetration rate in Africa today?

In the name of the Almighty, how is that possible for a country that has invested “US$14 billion in infrastructure development between 1996 and 2006” and made “exceptionally heavy recent investment in its telecoms infrastructure” to have the lowest telecommunications penetration rate in Africa?

How is that possible for a country whose economy has allegedly been growing at galloping double-digit annual rates for the past decade and whose population is pushing 90 million to trail at the tail end of the most vital element of technology in the modern world?

All things being relative, and in all earnestness, was Ethiopia better off in telecommunications in the Nineteenth Century than it is in the 21st? 

What a low down dirty shame!!!

Anatomy of tele-corruption in Ethiopia

Tele-corruption in Ethiopia occurs at the structural level. The WB report reveals that the systemic cause of corruption is attributable to a “combination of monopolistic service provision and apparently weak accountability mechanisms.” The ETC is a state-owned monopoly and “the sole provider of telecommunications services in Ethiopia (including fixed-line, mobile, Internet, and data communications).” Telecommunications “equipment is provided and installed by international suppliers.” Anyone who seeks to “operate any telecommunications service” must obtain a “license” from the ETC. Some “20 entities, including Ethiopian Airlines and the World Bank, have been granted special authorizations to operate independent communication links.”

Corruption in the telecommunications sector in Ethiopia manifests itself in a number of ways. ETC charges excessively “high rates for its services. International bandwidth costs in Ethiopia were approximately double those in neighboring Kenya.” The regime was hell-bent on “seeking to curtail and control communication services” following the disputed 2005 elections and “banned telephony (telecommunication services for the purpose of electronic transmission of voice, fax, or data, between distant parties) and created a new organization, the Network Operation Centre, to control internet service.” The ETC’s billing system has been a total disaster. According to the WB report, “In 2006, the system failed completely, resulting in a revenue loss of US$6.3 million. The entire customer database was lost and there was no backup, even though the equipment for such a backup had reportedly been procured.”

 The procurement system (the process involving in advanced planning, scheduling, and purchasing of goods and services with the aim of cost savings, more efficient business operation, etc.), is completely corrupted particularly in light of  “Ethiopia’s increasingly close political relationship with China.” In sum,  the ETC is the most sacred cash cow for the regime members, their cronies and fat cat associates in the business sector. The WB report notes that “Although the ETC has been unable to keep pace with demand, there are no firm plans to allow another operator to enter the market.” So, Ethiopia, the first to have telecommunications in all of Africa in 1894 today finds itself at the tail end of the telecommunications revolution in all of Africa!

Rigged contracts: ground zero for corruption in the telecommunications sector

Ground zero for corruption in the Ethiopian telecommunications sector is the procurement process. According to the WB report, in 2006 the ruling regime entered into a “highly unusual” “Vendor Financing and Supply Agreement for financing, supply, and installation of telecoms equipment up to a value of US$1.5 billion.” (The expected expenditure on improvements to the telecommunications sector by 2012 was USD$4 billion.)  Among the “unusual” characteristics of the “high value” Vendor Agreement include, “granting one supplier the right to supply all telecoms equipment to the ETC over a three-year period,

” The regime agreed “for a period of three years, to place all telecoms contracts with the supplier. Specifically, the agreement required the ETC to place nine prespecified equipment packages with the supplier.” According to the WB report, there was “no commercial justification for the award of such a large contract to one supplier”. The Agreement was signed without “competitive tender taking place” and there was no “effective contractual mechanism for price protection and technical compliance.” The Agreement “as signed provided for a 13-year loan period, with the first three years being interest-free.”

The rigging of telecommunications procurement is mindboggling. What is amazing is not only the fact that there was no competitive tender for either financing or equipment supply or even that the whole telecommunications kit and caboodle was handed over to one vendor; rather it is the cavalier, disdainful arrogance of unaccountability of the regime in making the deals. The regime dealt with the sole source vendor as though they were betting their own money at a crap table in a Las Vegas casino. According to the WB report:

The procurement process for the vendor finance contract was initiated by the ETC through a request to several suppliers. The equipment to be supplied under the proposed financing was not specified in detail at that time, and the process was kept informal for the most part… The ETC’s financial requirements were not provided in detail to those suppliers (other than possibly the winning supplier) that had been approached to consider providing such financing. There is no evidence of a formal tender procedure for the finance package. The supplier selected by the ETC to supply the finance package was the only company that offered a financing package that suited the ETC’s purposes. The equipment supply element of the vendor financing contract was not put out to competitive tender. This absence of competitive tender means that there is a considerable risk of overpricing and unfavorable contract terms for the ETC…

The ETC committed to purchase all telecoms equipment over a three-year period from one supplier. Such a wide-ranging commitment without competitive tender is highly unusual. There does not appear to be any commercial necessity to place the whole US$1.5 billion contract with one supplier.  The nine different equipment packages being sought (for example, mobile, customer data center, and Internet) could have been placed with different suppliers and still have resulted in a compatible and efficient network. This sole sourcing commitment means that there is a considerable risk of overpricing and unfavorable contract terms for the ETC in relation to each supply contract.

The details of the rigged Agreement are madding. The “contract was awarded before agreement on either the specification or price—and without a sufficient contractual price protection mechanism.” The “contract was not in accordance with the ETC’s procurement procedure. Procurement procedures are bypassed allowing sole-source purchasing instead of competitive tendering. In some cases, the ETC purchases new equipment when it already has the necessary equipment in the warehouse. The ETC’s procurement procedures allow for the debarment of poorly performing suppliers, but the ETC does not appear to exercise this right.  Some prequalifications and tenders allow too much room for subjective assessment, potentially causing some suppliers to be inappropriately eliminated from the tender list.”

There were no ascertainable “procedures for ensuring technical quality and competitive pricing.” There was no way of determining “whether prices far exceed reasonable industry prices.” The supplier had “no incentive to provide a competitive price.” Implementation of the Agreement remained shrouded in a veil of total secrecy.

For obvious reasons, the WB report could not come out and say it, but the truth of the matter is that somebody or somebodies had a BIG payday when the Vendor Agreement was signed! Somebody or somebodies got a BIG cut worth millions of dollars in kickbacks. The USD$1.5 billion Vendor Agreement was rigged by rip-off artists who never thought they would be discovered or someday prosecuted.

According to the WP report in July 2007, the “ETC allegedly dismissed 16 high-level employees for corruption as a result of an 2007 audit report that suggested irregularities in purchases from international suppliers. The contracts in question allegedly were worth US$54 million.” In January 2008, the so-called anti-corruption agency “brought charges” against a “former ETC CEO and 26 former ETC executives for allegedly procuring low- quality equipment from companies that were supposed to be rejected on the basis of procurement regulations.

” The contracts in question were worth US$154 million. In August 2008, the so-called anti-corruption agency “arrested a senior ETC manager after receiving an audio recording and transcript from an anonymous source in which the manager is allegedly recorded soliciting a bribe from an international supplier.” Assuming that the money reportedly lost to corruption and low quality equipment  is not lowballed, one can make a rough guestimate of 10-14 percent of the cost of the Vendor Agreement of USD$1.5 billion ending up in the pockets of a few officials and their fat cat cronies and/or being lost through fraud, waste, abuse and gross incompetence.

Rooting out corruption in telecommunications sector

The war against corruption in Ethiopia cannot be won by selectively “catching” a few token corrupt officials out of power and their associates and putting them on show trials. The solution to corruption in Ethiopia is not having Twiddle Dee investigating and prosecuting Twiddle Dum. As the late Meles Zenawi once remarked in the context of 10,000 tons of coffee which disappeared from the warehouses, “We all have our hands in its disappearance.” Those in power and those removed from power on allegations of  corruption have their hands deep in the cookie jar. 

Everyone knows that are two sides of the same coin. The only difference is that when the coin is flipped, one side is down and out and the other up and about. Those in power  cannot aspire to sainthood by crucifying their buddies who were feeding with them at the same trough of corruption just weeks ago. Those in the regime pointing an index finger of corruption on their former brethren should be aware that three fingers are pointing directly at them. They are not above suspicion or reproach when it comes to corruption. They are as guilty or as innocent of corruption as the ones they have arrested and jailed.

Those in the regime should not insult our intelligence by trying to pass off Mickey Mouse corruption investigations for real professional no-stones-left-unturned investigations of corruption using state-of-the-art forensic accountancy and white collar crime investigative techniques. I say Mickey Mouse not to ridicule but to describe accurately a state of facts. The so-called anti-corruption agency, having investigated two dozen Customs officials and their alleged collaborators for 2 years, arrested and jailed  them has yet to produce credible evidence of their criminal culpability. In an incredible affront to the principle of the rule of law, the “anti-corruption” agency has taken repeated leaves of court to gather evidence on the guilt of these suspects. Could there be a more Mickey Mouse system of justice (even worse than a kangaroo court) in the world?

The World Bank prescribed the right medicine for corruption in its 1998 report. (Those who do not want to face facts can try to distract attention from corruption in Ethiopia by criticizing the World Bank for being a “neoliberal” institution and  casting aspersions on it.) The fact of the matter is that the WB identified the most important and proven components of any anti-corruption efforts: civil society and media institutions.

In the fight against corruption, it is vital to “strengthen the links with civil society and the private sector to identify critical areas relating to corruption”. Vigilant civil society institutions which work freely at the grassroots levels and provide anti-corruption awareness, education, training and monitoring are the first line of defense and the first responders against corruption. The independent press must flourish so that it can aggressively and doggedly investigate and report corrupt officials and practices for public scrutiny. In the democratic countries, it is the independent media which seeks out and exposes corruption, fraud, waste and abuse in government. It is the independent media that provides the public a voice to speak out against corruption and empower ordinary citizens to pursue their corruption complaints against officials and  work with government to promote good practices.

The WB is right in prescribing the “elimination of excessive regulation” and “promotion of competitive market conditions and greater transparency”. In the telecommunications sector in Ethiopia, regulations are used to ensure regime officials and their cronies can suck dry a particularly lucrative sector of the economy. Telecommunications is a cash cow that can be milked endlessly. Deregulating and de-monopolizing the telecom sector means competitive rates, cheaper operational costs and greater public access to and expansion of telecom services. It also means less cash in the pockets of regime officials and their cronies. There is no economic or commercial reason why the telecom sector cannot be de-monopolized and full competition by domestic and foreign companies allowed to provide cost-effective and efficient nationwide telecommunications services.

The WB is correct in urging “dialogue among Parliament, Civil Service, Civil Society, the Private Sector, and the Media” and “facilitating dialogue among government, the Chamber of Commerce and other members of the business community, and civil society on implementing the anti-corruption program and developing complementary activities.” Anti-corruption efforts must be multipronged and not left to an anti-corruption agency which itself is  corruption suspect.  “Outsourcing” the management of the telecom sector for a couple of years is no cure for corruption. It has been reported that the regime agreed to pay some 30 million euro to a European company to manage its telecommunications sector through 2012, much of it to cover the salaries and expenses of 24 personnel. Another boondoggle to continue corruption?

In my recent commentary “The Corruption Game”, I questioned whether the arrest of a couple dozen corruption suspects in the Customs Authority was a shot across the bow in the “war against corruption” or a public relations stunt. I concluded that the regime was “showboating and grandstanding the corruption issue to nail its opponents and get public relations credit and international handouts at the same time.” I opined that the whole effort was a “public relations political theater” by the regime “desperately trying to catch some positive publicity buzz in a media environment where they are being hammered and battered everyday by human rights organizations, NGOs, international media outlets and others.” I still believe that deciding on the integrity of a corruption investigation of one group of corrupt officials in power against another group of corrupt officials out of power is like trying to select a beauty queen in a pageantry of monkeys, to allude to an old Ethiopian proverb.

But even if the whole effort is window-dressing, I will give Hailemariam credit for aspiring to achieve a goal of clean government instead of clone government. Even though Hailemariam has said many times he will unwaveringly follow Meles’ footsteps, it is possible for him to rise up from a quagmire of corruption and walk on the path that could lead to “radical improvements in terms of governance and democracy.”  In the meantime, ordinary citizens, those out of power, abused by power, who fell from power, who could not care less about power, the powerless, the disempowered  or the powerful, should heed Edward Griffin’s counsel: “To oppose corruption in government is the highest obligation of patriotism.”