Fundamental rights and freedoms All persons are equal before the law and guaranteed equal effective protection, without discrimination on grounds of race, nation, nationality, or other social origin, color, sex, language, political or other opinion property, birth or other status. Every one has the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion freedom, either indi... every one the right to recognition any where as person .
Friday, 30 August 2013
Ethiopia Freedom of the Press 2012
By: Freedom house 2012 Report
The political and media freedom climate in 2011 dramatically deteriorated as the government started making extensive use of the antiterrorism law, which entered into force in 2009, as an instrument to stifle dissent. Ethiopia is currently the second-leading jailer of journalists in Africa, after Eritrea.
While the constitution guarantees freedom of the press, this right is often restricted in practice. The Freedom of the Mass Media and Access to Information Proclamation was passed into law in December 2008, and has been criticized by the private media and press freedom groups for imposing constraints on the practice of journalism and harsh sanctions for violations. The most controversial provisions are included in the penal code that took effect in May 2005. Of greater concern is the selective approach the government takes in implementing laws and the lack of an independent judiciary. Journalists have few guarantees that they will receive a fair trial, and charges are often filed arbitrarily in response to personal disputes. Court cases can continue for years, and many journalists have multiple charges pending against them.
The antiterrorism law, supposedly designed to face the challenges posed to the government by armed insurgencies, was used to charge 24 politicians and journalists with terrorist offences. The accused were allegedly involved in varied collaborations with groups labeled terrorist organizations by parliament. Most journalists were arrested simply for having published information about these groups or for having interviewed some of their leaders. Among the journalists arrested were independent journalist and blogger Eskinder Nega; Woubshet Taye, deputy editor of the weekly Awramba Times; and Reeyot Alemu, a columnist with the independent weekly Feteh. Prime Minister Meles Zenawi’s government also targeted foreign journalists under the antiterrorism law in 2011. In June, two Swedish journalists, Johan Persson and Martin Schibbye, were arrested by Ethiopian forces after having entered the Ogaden region in Ethiopia from Somalia to report on guerrilla activities and human rights conditions in the area, and on the activities of a Swedish organization searching for mineral resources. The two were sentenced to 11 years in prison in December.
Media practitioners were also targeted throughout the year for reasons unrelated to allegations of terrorism. In February 2011, roughly 130 charges were filed against Feteh editor in chief Temesgan Dessalegn, 35 of which were criminal charges that included defaming the government and inciting public violence and protests to boost newspaper sales. A number of journalists fled into exile for fear of arrest. As a result, popular newspapers had to close and resort to online versions managed by editors in exile. Journalist Argaw Ashine fled the country in September because of fears of impending imprisonment after being questioned by the police about the identity of a government source mentioned in WikiLeaks cables. In November, the editor in chief of the Awramba Times, Dawit Kebede, left the country because of continued harassment and intimidation by officials, which effectively closed the newspaper. In the same month, satirist Abebe Tolla of Feteh and Awramba Times also fled due to fear of retaliation for his critical commentary.
Ethiopia has one of the continent’s most progressive freedom of information laws, although access to public information is largely restricted in practice, and the government has traditionally limited coverage of official events to state-owned media outlets. Since 2009, with the passage of the Proclamation for the Registration and Regulation of Charities and Societies, the ability of local and international nongovernmental organizations to monitor and advocate on issues of human rights, including media freedom, has become considerably more restricted.
Self-censorship is routinely practiced. Many private newspapers also report that the government attempts to control content through article placement requests and phone calls to editors from officials about articles that are critical of the government. The government’s fear of dissenting voices was further fuelled by the popular uprisings that transformed the political landscape of North Africa and the Middle East in 2011. There were no reports of physical attacks on journalists during the year, though harassment, intimidation, and arrest were common.
The number of print outlets covering politics decreased significantly after 2005, while weekly papers and magazines on business and lifestyle catering to the growing urban middle class are proliferating. Approximately 20 private newspapers were published in 2011, with a combined circulation of 150,000 in Addis Ababa, the capital. The state operates the only national television station and owns almost all radio broadcasting in the country, both of which constitute the primary source of information for Ethiopians. Government-controlled media is biased toward the government and the ruling party. Broadcasting law prohibits any political, religious, or foreign entities from owning broadcast stations. In 2007, a new broadcasting authority was created, and the first licenses were awarded to two private FM stations in the capital; they are owned by individuals seen as friendly to the ruling party. The signals of international broadcasters Deutsche Welle and Voice of America have occasionally been jammed, reportedly with the technical support of the Chinese government. This trend continued in 2011, but in contrast to previous years, when the government denied its involvement in blocking the signals, Meles claimed the right of his government to block broadcasting he said was fomenting ethnic violence. Meles has often mentioned the use of radios during the Rwandan genocide to justify his government’s repressive measures against national and international broadcasters. The government controls the only newspaper printing press and often raises the cost of printing, the result of which is interrupted or altered publication cycles for newspapers based on how many copies the companies can afford to print.
Owing to an extremely poor telecommunications infrastructure, only 1 percent of Ethiopians had access to the internet in 2011. The government has resisted liberalizing telecommunications, maintaining a monopoly and keeping prices artificially high. In 2011, however, some important changes were introduced for mobile and internet services, including an increase in capacity for mobile services and the introduction of mobile internet—albeit at expensive rates—in major cities.
These changes are largely due to a $1.5 billion project financed by the Chinese government and implemented by Chinese company ZTE to overhaul the telecommunications infrastructure in Ethiopia. The government restricted access to numerous websites, including news sites, opposition websites, and the sites of groups designated as terrorist organizations. Controversial political blogs, many of which are based abroad, were blocked, hindering important voices from contributing to the local political debate. At the same time, the government has invested massive resources to use new communication technologies that allow it to communicate with the periphery of the state.
It has set up a satellite-based videoconferencing system known as WoredaNet to allow the prime minister, other ministers, and high-level civil servants to regularly communicate with local officials.The politics of Ethiopia takes place in a framework of a federal parliamentary republic, whereby the Prime Minister is the head of government. Executive power is exercised by the government. Federal legislative power is vested in both the government and the two chambers of parliament. On the basis of Article 78 of the 1994 Ethiopian Constitution, the Judiciary is completely independent of the executive and the legislature.
The current realities of this provision are questioned in a report prepared by Freedom House.[citation needed
According to the Democracy Index published by the Economist Intelligence Unit in late 2010, Ethiopia is an "authoritarian regime", ranking 118th out of 167 countries (with the larger number being less democratic).[90] Ethiopia has dropped 12 places on the list since 2006, and the latest report attributes the drop to the regime's crackdown on opposition activities, media and civil society before the 2010 parliamentary election, which the report argues has made Ethiopia a de facto one-party state.
Saturday, 24 August 2013
TIS HIGH TIME TO KEEP MOVING IN THE RIGHT DIRECTION AND AT THE RIGHT PACE
August 24, 2013
by T.Goshu
Framing the topic of my comment in this way is not either to pretend with a “YES, great is done” impression; or to seem pessimistic with a “NO, nothing is done” attitude.” It is rather to express my point of view from the perspective of thedirection and the pace of the struggle against the challenges we continue to face. My very intention is to under-score the need to engage in conversations that should help to put our political direction in a much more appropriate and right manner; and make the pace of our political discourse faster and steadier. I want to remain rationally optimistic about the ongoing political reawakening being led by genuinely concerned political opposition parties and movements accompanied by a relatively vigorous popular participation.
These very remarkably courageous movements for the realization of genuine political freedom and respect for human rights/dignity and socio-economic justice require deep and sincere engagement in dealing with the issue of how to keep our direction in the right trail and our pace at an acceptable rate. And that is the very purpose of my opinion. I hope all genuinely concerned fellow Ethiopians will come up with valuable ideas or views that could be used as feasible inputs in the process of fighting for the right and legitimate cause so that the untold sufferings of the people should end sooner, not later.
1. The political direction:
1.1 When it comes to the question of who is following the right direction in the political arena of the country, it has never been uncommon to hear from every political actor including the dictators who are in power claiming the credit for being right. Every political actor including the most tyrannical regime such as TPLF/EPRDF swears in the name of democracy and justice without any sense of shame or guilt. It is totally ridiculous to witness the inner circle of the ruling party telling the innocent people of Ethiopia whose lives have miserably been messed up and continue being destroyed that their country is making an amazing progress in every aspects of life.
The people are boringly being told that the sword of “revolutionary democracy” is not only the right direction but the best medication for age-old political illnesses. It is extremely difficult to make any sense out of this kind of tested but miserably failed political direction which has caused an unprecedented disgrace to the country and dehumanization to her people. Sadly enough, the current members of the inner circle of TPLF/EPRDF continue playing with this very wrong, if not horrible political direction with a much more deadly behavior and practice. They (the ruling elites) do not have any human common sense when they try to convince the people who are victims of a very cynical and hypocritical political path for the last 21 years.
They continue insulting the intelligences of the people by throwing up all kinds of trash propaganda to the extent of claiming that nobody else have brought about and continue to bring about a heaven-like situation to the country except them. They preach (better to say deceive) that what they have implemented and are continuing to do so is the principles and values enshrined in the constitution. I have never come across any section or chapter of the constitution that gives power and duty to a bunch of ruling elites to rule by any cruel means including intimidation, suppression, dehumanization, arbitrary mass arrests, torture, and killings. As far as the reality on the ground going on in our country is concerned, that is the direction the ruling elites continue to claim that they are doing great and right. Simply put, they put the constitution upside down and use it to punish those whom they believe are against their dirty political game.
I do not know what kind of right direction they are talking about while they are totally disregarding their own governing document, and grossly violating the fundamental political and human rights of the innocent people of Ethiopia. Tragically enough, they unequivocally reaffirm their determination that their “great and right political direction” could be changed on their graves only, not in their life time. Is this not an extremely evil-driven political ideology that makes the very direction of the country absolutely dangerous? That was of course the very deadly political reaffirmation reiterated by the late Ato Meles Zenawi; and continues to be the continuation of his “biblical vow” that is currently being recited as “his great and pre-determined legacy.”
It is an open secret that the current senselessly ruthless action by the TPLF/EPRDF regime against innocent citizens is a clear testimony of how the political direction of our country is at a very worrisome cross-road. As the disparity between what they ( the ruling elites) preach and the most miserable direction they practically took the country for the last quarter of a century speaks loud and clear, I am not going to discuss here any further. What is hereafter very critically important is to focus on the question of how to reverse the wrong direction and replace it with a right direction that could take us to the right destination we want to be; not wasting time and energy regurgitating the horrible political crime committed by tyrannical ruling party. This takes us to the following question:
1.2 How do we see the way the opposition forces have done and are continuing to do so? There is no doubt that the duty and the responsibility to lead the country to the right political path and subsequently to the desired destination mainly rets on the political leadership in power. But how the political opposition actors get themselves organized, and how they act in such a way that they should lead their political direction in a persistent and effective way is so critical. And this has to be appropriately recognized and properly addressed.
Any political opposition force that simply criticizes and condemns the deadly political path of tyrants, but not critically acknowledging its dysfunctional way of doing things and doing something about the issue of advancing its own political road map tends to be part of the problem, not the solution. Needless to say, the history of the political space in the country had never been less-hostile leave alone accommodative or tolerant towards political dissent. This had been true throughout the political history before the 1970s revolution. Unfortunately enough, things turned into a complete tragedy since the second half of the 1970s. The political parties who vowed to fight against the military dictatorship and to work together for the establishment of civil and democratic government went completely to opposite directions.
The typical and teachable example is the case of Meison and EPRP. Being unwilling and unable to sit down and if possible iron out their differences and keep marching together, if not disagree not to agree but not become enemies; they killed each other (Meison allying with the military and EPRP against the two.) Imagine how taking a wrong direction because of all kinds of reasons including personal egos and voracious group interests could damage the political direction the Ethiopian people desperately aspire to follow. I am well aware that these political groups now are in good terms and that is great. But I am not sure how far they have contributed to the efforts being made to get our political direction right compared to their relatively long-term and bitter experiences.
It must be noted here that these groups have been parts of certain coalitions, united democratic forces, democratic alternative forces and the like. If I am not mistaken they currently are parts of the Congress for the Ethiopian People Struggle and some other form of Union (hibret). That is a desirable and right direction. My concern is that a) forming a form without a seriously significant change of attitude (I should be on top!) does not prevent us from making the same senseless mistake. I often listen not only to some leaders of those groups but also groups like the Transitional Council reiterating their interest to work closely with others ; but they do not want to take sincere initiation by knocking at the doors of those who claim to be part of the struggle. b) Yes, it is ok to have some sort of basic factors to work together.
But it does not make politically a lot of sense not to take initiation and have a kind of conversation or discussion with those who do not agree with our “preconditions.” I know one of most mentioned precondition is accepting the territorial integrity and sovereignty of the country. I Wholly agree! But I do not believe isolating those who may be interested to justify the reason why they are skeptical or reluctant is helpful. What I am saying is that it is only by carefully listening and respecting one’s concern that we could create a positive attitude and healthy political climate. I strongly believe that the most difficult but desirable effort in our political culture is to deal with the most difficult issues that we do not agree with.
With regard to the political opposition parties back home such as UDJ/Medker, All Ethiopian, Semayawi, the 33(32); it seems to me that they are relatively making progress in the making of their political direction more meaningful and feasible. However, I still have serious concerns that must be dealt with critically, but constructively and amicably. Let us not forget that our politicians are parts and parcels of a society that has suffered a lot from a very backward, intolerable and highly personalized political culture. And that is why we witness the very essence of integrity is lacking behind and causes our political direction being vulnerable to the dirty political games of tyrannical ruling circle. And that is why coalitions /congresses/fronts/ united democratic forces have fallen apart repeatedly. Yes, there is no doubt that those in political power do not leave any stone unturned to get the opposition disintegrated.
Needless to say, they either buy individuals to infiltrate the opposition (like they did to Kinijit –lidetu and Chameso) or exploit some politicians of the opposition camp who run away from their parties whenever their self-interest conflicts with the interest of the general public or the general will. As a matter of political reality, certain interests of conflicts either at individual or intra-group and inter-group level are not avoidable but they are and they should be manageable and controllable. The isue we have to deal with is that as our political culture is not matured yet to handle those normal and non-avoidable challenges in an effective and productive manner, there is a reason to be concerned.
I can mention the following few examples that need to be addressed and dealt with as they could cause troubles to the recent efforts being made to lead the political struggle in a relatively more assertive direction a) the recent remarks (interview) given by Ato Yilqal about the performance and capacity of other political parties, and the step taken by the 32. I got an impression that Ato Yilqal’s comment is unwisely framed and unnecessarily stretched b) the exchange of seemingly difficult conversations between UDJ and Medrek because of certain unproductive comments by some members of Medrek. C) How Medrek and the 32(33) are moving their common agendas in the right and relatively bright direction d) the political mentality of my generation has more capacity, energy and experience than this or that generation e) the problem of not forwarding critical, positive and complementary views and comments about others f) the attitude of staying away from close collaboration with others by citing past failures not as teachable moments but scary happenings which I believe is very general and a bit clumsy .
Yes, it is the right thing to take a rational and well-measured move toward making close and strong cooperation or alliances. But simply presenting or citing past failures not to make a timely and badly needed collaboration turns to be a clumsy excuse for not sharing the burden and the credit. And that is not the way politics as an art (dealing with difficult human behavior) works. I hope all genuinely concerned individuals and political opposition actors will make a difference in all these and other factors that could affect our political direction.
2. Concerning the pace of the struggle, it has to be noted from the outset that we terribly lacked behind for the last two decades, and as the result the sufferings of the people are getting chronic. And things seem getting out of control. And that means there is a need to make the pace of our political progress faster and steadier. I am not suggesting that we have to simply rash and see what would happen. Absolutely not! What I am trying to say is that the situation we are facing requires the determination and coordination that makes us walk the real walk, not drag our feet with all kinds of clumsy excuses. Well, if possible, let’s do more; if not let us remember the famous Chinese proverb which says, “It is better to take many small steps in the right direction than to make a great leap forward only to stumble backward.” (Taken from the internet by Carne Ross, The Leaderless Revolution …., 2011).
by T.Goshu
Framing the topic of my comment in this way is not either to pretend with a “YES, great is done” impression; or to seem pessimistic with a “NO, nothing is done” attitude.” It is rather to express my point of view from the perspective of thedirection and the pace of the struggle against the challenges we continue to face. My very intention is to under-score the need to engage in conversations that should help to put our political direction in a much more appropriate and right manner; and make the pace of our political discourse faster and steadier. I want to remain rationally optimistic about the ongoing political reawakening being led by genuinely concerned political opposition parties and movements accompanied by a relatively vigorous popular participation.
These very remarkably courageous movements for the realization of genuine political freedom and respect for human rights/dignity and socio-economic justice require deep and sincere engagement in dealing with the issue of how to keep our direction in the right trail and our pace at an acceptable rate. And that is the very purpose of my opinion. I hope all genuinely concerned fellow Ethiopians will come up with valuable ideas or views that could be used as feasible inputs in the process of fighting for the right and legitimate cause so that the untold sufferings of the people should end sooner, not later.
1. The political direction:
1.1 When it comes to the question of who is following the right direction in the political arena of the country, it has never been uncommon to hear from every political actor including the dictators who are in power claiming the credit for being right. Every political actor including the most tyrannical regime such as TPLF/EPRDF swears in the name of democracy and justice without any sense of shame or guilt. It is totally ridiculous to witness the inner circle of the ruling party telling the innocent people of Ethiopia whose lives have miserably been messed up and continue being destroyed that their country is making an amazing progress in every aspects of life.
The people are boringly being told that the sword of “revolutionary democracy” is not only the right direction but the best medication for age-old political illnesses. It is extremely difficult to make any sense out of this kind of tested but miserably failed political direction which has caused an unprecedented disgrace to the country and dehumanization to her people. Sadly enough, the current members of the inner circle of TPLF/EPRDF continue playing with this very wrong, if not horrible political direction with a much more deadly behavior and practice. They (the ruling elites) do not have any human common sense when they try to convince the people who are victims of a very cynical and hypocritical political path for the last 21 years.
They continue insulting the intelligences of the people by throwing up all kinds of trash propaganda to the extent of claiming that nobody else have brought about and continue to bring about a heaven-like situation to the country except them. They preach (better to say deceive) that what they have implemented and are continuing to do so is the principles and values enshrined in the constitution. I have never come across any section or chapter of the constitution that gives power and duty to a bunch of ruling elites to rule by any cruel means including intimidation, suppression, dehumanization, arbitrary mass arrests, torture, and killings. As far as the reality on the ground going on in our country is concerned, that is the direction the ruling elites continue to claim that they are doing great and right. Simply put, they put the constitution upside down and use it to punish those whom they believe are against their dirty political game.
I do not know what kind of right direction they are talking about while they are totally disregarding their own governing document, and grossly violating the fundamental political and human rights of the innocent people of Ethiopia. Tragically enough, they unequivocally reaffirm their determination that their “great and right political direction” could be changed on their graves only, not in their life time. Is this not an extremely evil-driven political ideology that makes the very direction of the country absolutely dangerous? That was of course the very deadly political reaffirmation reiterated by the late Ato Meles Zenawi; and continues to be the continuation of his “biblical vow” that is currently being recited as “his great and pre-determined legacy.”
It is an open secret that the current senselessly ruthless action by the TPLF/EPRDF regime against innocent citizens is a clear testimony of how the political direction of our country is at a very worrisome cross-road. As the disparity between what they ( the ruling elites) preach and the most miserable direction they practically took the country for the last quarter of a century speaks loud and clear, I am not going to discuss here any further. What is hereafter very critically important is to focus on the question of how to reverse the wrong direction and replace it with a right direction that could take us to the right destination we want to be; not wasting time and energy regurgitating the horrible political crime committed by tyrannical ruling party. This takes us to the following question:
1.2 How do we see the way the opposition forces have done and are continuing to do so? There is no doubt that the duty and the responsibility to lead the country to the right political path and subsequently to the desired destination mainly rets on the political leadership in power. But how the political opposition actors get themselves organized, and how they act in such a way that they should lead their political direction in a persistent and effective way is so critical. And this has to be appropriately recognized and properly addressed.
Any political opposition force that simply criticizes and condemns the deadly political path of tyrants, but not critically acknowledging its dysfunctional way of doing things and doing something about the issue of advancing its own political road map tends to be part of the problem, not the solution. Needless to say, the history of the political space in the country had never been less-hostile leave alone accommodative or tolerant towards political dissent. This had been true throughout the political history before the 1970s revolution. Unfortunately enough, things turned into a complete tragedy since the second half of the 1970s. The political parties who vowed to fight against the military dictatorship and to work together for the establishment of civil and democratic government went completely to opposite directions.
The typical and teachable example is the case of Meison and EPRP. Being unwilling and unable to sit down and if possible iron out their differences and keep marching together, if not disagree not to agree but not become enemies; they killed each other (Meison allying with the military and EPRP against the two.) Imagine how taking a wrong direction because of all kinds of reasons including personal egos and voracious group interests could damage the political direction the Ethiopian people desperately aspire to follow. I am well aware that these political groups now are in good terms and that is great. But I am not sure how far they have contributed to the efforts being made to get our political direction right compared to their relatively long-term and bitter experiences.
It must be noted here that these groups have been parts of certain coalitions, united democratic forces, democratic alternative forces and the like. If I am not mistaken they currently are parts of the Congress for the Ethiopian People Struggle and some other form of Union (hibret). That is a desirable and right direction. My concern is that a) forming a form without a seriously significant change of attitude (I should be on top!) does not prevent us from making the same senseless mistake. I often listen not only to some leaders of those groups but also groups like the Transitional Council reiterating their interest to work closely with others ; but they do not want to take sincere initiation by knocking at the doors of those who claim to be part of the struggle. b) Yes, it is ok to have some sort of basic factors to work together.
But it does not make politically a lot of sense not to take initiation and have a kind of conversation or discussion with those who do not agree with our “preconditions.” I know one of most mentioned precondition is accepting the territorial integrity and sovereignty of the country. I Wholly agree! But I do not believe isolating those who may be interested to justify the reason why they are skeptical or reluctant is helpful. What I am saying is that it is only by carefully listening and respecting one’s concern that we could create a positive attitude and healthy political climate. I strongly believe that the most difficult but desirable effort in our political culture is to deal with the most difficult issues that we do not agree with.
With regard to the political opposition parties back home such as UDJ/Medker, All Ethiopian, Semayawi, the 33(32); it seems to me that they are relatively making progress in the making of their political direction more meaningful and feasible. However, I still have serious concerns that must be dealt with critically, but constructively and amicably. Let us not forget that our politicians are parts and parcels of a society that has suffered a lot from a very backward, intolerable and highly personalized political culture. And that is why we witness the very essence of integrity is lacking behind and causes our political direction being vulnerable to the dirty political games of tyrannical ruling circle. And that is why coalitions /congresses/fronts/ united democratic forces have fallen apart repeatedly. Yes, there is no doubt that those in political power do not leave any stone unturned to get the opposition disintegrated.
Needless to say, they either buy individuals to infiltrate the opposition (like they did to Kinijit –lidetu and Chameso) or exploit some politicians of the opposition camp who run away from their parties whenever their self-interest conflicts with the interest of the general public or the general will. As a matter of political reality, certain interests of conflicts either at individual or intra-group and inter-group level are not avoidable but they are and they should be manageable and controllable. The isue we have to deal with is that as our political culture is not matured yet to handle those normal and non-avoidable challenges in an effective and productive manner, there is a reason to be concerned.
I can mention the following few examples that need to be addressed and dealt with as they could cause troubles to the recent efforts being made to lead the political struggle in a relatively more assertive direction a) the recent remarks (interview) given by Ato Yilqal about the performance and capacity of other political parties, and the step taken by the 32. I got an impression that Ato Yilqal’s comment is unwisely framed and unnecessarily stretched b) the exchange of seemingly difficult conversations between UDJ and Medrek because of certain unproductive comments by some members of Medrek. C) How Medrek and the 32(33) are moving their common agendas in the right and relatively bright direction d) the political mentality of my generation has more capacity, energy and experience than this or that generation e) the problem of not forwarding critical, positive and complementary views and comments about others f) the attitude of staying away from close collaboration with others by citing past failures not as teachable moments but scary happenings which I believe is very general and a bit clumsy .
Yes, it is the right thing to take a rational and well-measured move toward making close and strong cooperation or alliances. But simply presenting or citing past failures not to make a timely and badly needed collaboration turns to be a clumsy excuse for not sharing the burden and the credit. And that is not the way politics as an art (dealing with difficult human behavior) works. I hope all genuinely concerned individuals and political opposition actors will make a difference in all these and other factors that could affect our political direction.
2. Concerning the pace of the struggle, it has to be noted from the outset that we terribly lacked behind for the last two decades, and as the result the sufferings of the people are getting chronic. And things seem getting out of control. And that means there is a need to make the pace of our political progress faster and steadier. I am not suggesting that we have to simply rash and see what would happen. Absolutely not! What I am trying to say is that the situation we are facing requires the determination and coordination that makes us walk the real walk, not drag our feet with all kinds of clumsy excuses. Well, if possible, let’s do more; if not let us remember the famous Chinese proverb which says, “It is better to take many small steps in the right direction than to make a great leap forward only to stumble backward.” (Taken from the internet by Carne Ross, The Leaderless Revolution …., 2011).
I Have a Dream!
by Leqa Naqamtee
My dream is not something unachievable. No! My dream is parts of a millions of dreamers in Ethiopia. These are men and women, children and youth, old and young, poor and rich, urban and rural,
pastoralists and farmers, merchants andethiopian flag producers, teachers and military, professionals and non professionals, workers and employers, jobless and asylum seekers, internally displaced and new settlers, prisoners and judges, polices and parliamentarians, political parties and government machineries civil servants , Muslims and Christians, traditional believers and natural believers, so that I believe my dream will be realized sooner or later because internationally Ethiopia is labeled as failed states because of the following critical issues and other international parameters .
1. I have a dream to see a free and democratic Ethiopia where millions are living together in harmony, mutual respect and social cohesion. This is possible through realistic democratic Ethiopia where the ultimate future of every individual citizen, fate will be decided, peace and order maintained, the rule of law applied, above all the horizon of citizens controlled by fear of God.
2. I have a dream to see a Nation that is equal in front of law, without any discrimination because of their ethnic background, social strata, economic class, language classification or religion affiliations. This is possible only through having holistic and universal oriented constitution including having free and independent institutional arrangements.
3. I have a dream to see a Nation believe in forgiveness and eternal love. This is possible if the ruling party, especially the TPLF has moral fiber for true democracy, rule of law, inclusive and free governance system and devotion to start the announcement of national reconciliation followed by revision of the existing constitution, practice free and fair democratic selection.
4. I have a dream to see Ethiopia free from corruption, moral crisis and degradation, erosion of ethics, including seeing high standard of government transparency. This is possible through formation of free and independent anti corruption commission, allow free media that exercise investigative journalism, allow the establishment and operations of civil society, civic organization and free justice and police system accountable to the constitution. Above all limit the role of government and power exercise, demonstrated by fair power relations across the above institutions.
5. I have a dream to see independent security and military forces free from TPLF manipulation and dominance; stand to safeguard our Nation human, civil and political rights stipulated in the constitutions. Protect Ethiopian sovereign territory from external attacks and demonstrate high moral standard and professionalism in areas of its assignments. This is possible through only freeing the current military force from TPLF dominance which is organized to safeguard minorities, gangs and mafias economic and political interest.
6. I have a dream to see Ethiopia governed by free economy and political system where the role of government is limited around regulatory function. This is possible if the current TPLF “endowments “are abandoned, taken as a public property. In addition disclose all crimes committed as a result of the government monopoly of the sectors such as, telecommunication, EELPA, Ethiopian airlines, mine and energy, privatization agency, and other mega projects still under TPLF rulers, like sugar industry, metal corporation, etc.
7. I have a dream to see Ethiopia where the Nation can access relevant information’s as required as needed, as fast as possible. This possible through free from TPLF dominance and having independent and free media outlets, broadcastings working for public interest.
8. I have a dream to see Ethiopia respect high standard human rights indicated under the national constitution, international laws including UN conventions. This is possible through free assembly, self organization, demonstrations, and expressions of feelings and interties through peacefully ways. To this end, the civil societies, the press law and antiterrorism law must be revised in order to address the public interest and end the TPLF brutal political system from Ethiopia.
9. I have a dream to see Ethiopia where national resources are shared equally and equitably. This is possible through applying principles of accountability and transparency. At this point in time , the current political power relation must be revised to address public interests , end TPLF gangs and mafia groups, dictatorship role from government functions at all level and at any “government machineries “. To be honest, observe all minster level shared power and calculate where the lion share is allocated. The game played by TPLF is not fair, this must be stopped. Ethiopia must belong to the Nation not for the fulfillments of little TPLF group interests.
10. I have a dream to see Ethiopia where all civil servants are judged by their professional contribution not by their political attitudes or membership. At this juncture, we have to free all civil servants from any financial contributions to political parties ruling the country. We must work to end the suffering of Ethiopian civil servants from “double master” political system (party and government). They must be re organized to work for public interest, our national development above all to the national interest and rule of law. We must break the spirit of fear from the civil servants that hinder their productivity, killed their potential to serve the public interests, lead them to be involved in grand and petty corruptions, forced them to not have national vision, and eroded their sincere sprit to civil service ethics. This will be end if the TPLF ruled system avoided and replaced by democratic government where citizens are fully aware their constitutional refights and obligations.
11. I have a dream to free Ethiopian academic institutions; make them to work for broad national interest. It is clear that majority of “political cadres” are prepared/ produced in the universities. They fill political membership form fearing that they will be jobless after graduation or can’t get financial support from credit provider party affiliated institutions. We must stop this and save our generation from 21 century mentality of slavery. Ethiopia must be organized in the form of our common home, not as party property.
The way the young generation come to civil service is quite unethical. They are coming to the service by caring a slogan saying “yabathe bet sizeref abreh zeref”. You can imagine that what citizens are produced from our “flourishing “universities. The covert political and economic strategy and agenda of TPLF is clear, they need to have a country and a generation doesn’t have any national and regional sentiment, highly corrupted personality. They are working aggressively to form a generation encircled by its private needs and lust for petty material interests, compromise national and human values for material needs, live under fleshy sprit with dead conscience.
12. I have a dream to see Ethiopia with high standard and international level diplomatic missions serving our sovereign interest working beyond establishments of TPLF economic empire, connect Ethiopia with the remaining world based on well articulated long year’s strategies visions, charismatic and democratic leadership with zero level enmity with neighboring and distant countries and nations. This is possible if the TPLF covert and narrow economic interest brings to an end and replaced by democratic political system which is overt, transparent and doesn’t compromise the national interests of our country.
13. I have a dream to see dignified human race, especially Ethiopian citizens (the elderly, girls, boys, children’s, mothers, and fathers, disabled peoples) etc living and sleeping on the street with pet animals, feed from garbage deposals together with street dogs. This is possible through changing TPLF ruled social and poverty reduction policy by introduction of holistic national social security policy.
14. I have a dream to see Ethiopia where social services are fulfilled and met to all, free from TPLF covert political marginalization strategy, where the national resources are shared equally and equitably. This is possible through emancipation of regional governments from TPLF proxy and immediate controlling and manipulation, maintain fair power relations at national level, diminish and finally avoid TPLF invisible hands from all national machineries, allow the people to exercise their democratic right on how to use the national resource which must not require them the “blessing” or approval of TPLF. This is possible through the establishments of scientific based independent national treasury organ accountable to and monitored by the wider public emanated from democratic institutions.
Conclusion:
I believe that my dream is yours. This is our country. We have common interest and common home; our commonalty is bigger than our differences. We must look at the biggest picture that causes us to be a “idiot slave” for TPLF limit us to not claim a God given freedom. It is clear we Ethiopians are marginalized and reduced to secondary and tertiary level citizenship. It is obvious that TPLF’s are primary citizens in every aspect of our country affairs. This is not fair. This is a result of high levels of corrupted personality. There should be a paradigm shift in the landscape of Ethiopian politics.
Therefore, let us work towards the fulfillments of this dream to realize a democratic Ethiopia, where we all are living together, (including the TPLF group if they are ready for reconciliation) in harmony, equality, brotherhood, dignity, mutual respect. We must push and do this in vary peaceful and civilized ways. At last I assure you that we shall arrive at the land of love, peace and reconciliation. There we shall please our creator God.
My dream is not something unachievable. No! My dream is parts of a millions of dreamers in Ethiopia. These are men and women, children and youth, old and young, poor and rich, urban and rural, pastoralists and farmers, merchants andethiopian flag producers, teachers and military, professionals and non professionals, workers and employers, jobless and asylum seekers, internally displaced and new settlers, prisoners and judges, polices and parliamentarians, political parties and government machineries civil servants , Muslims and Christians, traditional believers and natural believers, so that I believe my dream will be realized sooner or later because internationally Ethiopia is labeled as failed states because of the following critical issues and other international parameters .
1. I have a dream to see a free and democratic Ethiopia where millions are living together in harmony, mutual respect and social cohesion. This is possible through realistic democratic Ethiopia where the ultimate future of every individual citizen, fate will be decided, peace and order maintained, the rule of law applied, above all the horizon of citizens controlled by fear of God.
2. I have a dream to see a Nation that is equal in front of law, without any discrimination because of their ethnic background, social strata, economic class, language classification or religion affiliations. This is possible only through having holistic and universal oriented constitution including having free and independent institutional arrangements.
3. I have a dream to see a Nation believe in forgiveness and eternal love. This is possible if the ruling party, especially the TPLF has moral fiber for true democracy, rule of law, inclusive and free governance system and devotion to start the announcement of national reconciliation followed by revision of the existing constitution, practice free and fair democratic selection.
4. I have a dream to see Ethiopia free from corruption, moral crisis and degradation, erosion of ethics, including seeing high standard of government transparency. This is possible through formation of free and independent anti corruption commission, allow free media that exercise investigative journalism, allow the establishment and operations of civil society, civic organization and free justice and police system accountable to the constitution. Above all limit the role of government and power exercise, demonstrated by fair power relations across the above institutions.
5. I have a dream to see independent security and military forces free from TPLF manipulation and dominance; stand to safeguard our Nation human, civil and political rights stipulated in the constitutions. Protect Ethiopian sovereign territory from external attacks and demonstrate high moral standard and professionalism in areas of its assignments. This is possible through only freeing the current military force from TPLF dominance which is organized to safeguard minorities, gangs and mafias economic and political interest.
6. I have a dream to see Ethiopia governed by free economy and political system where the role of government is limited around regulatory function. This is possible if the current TPLF “endowments “are abandoned, taken as a public property. In addition disclose all crimes committed as a result of the government monopoly of the sectors such as, telecommunication, EELPA, Ethiopian airlines, mine and energy, privatization agency, and other mega projects still under TPLF rulers, like sugar industry, metal corporation, etc.
7. I have a dream to see Ethiopia where the Nation can access relevant information’s as required as needed, as fast as possible. This possible through free from TPLF dominance and having independent and free media outlets, broadcastings working for public interest.
8. I have a dream to see Ethiopia respect high standard human rights indicated under the national constitution, international laws including UN conventions. This is possible through free assembly, self organization, demonstrations, and expressions of feelings and interties through peacefully ways. To this end, the civil societies, the press law and antiterrorism law must be revised in order to address the public interest and end the TPLF brutal political system from Ethiopia.
9. I have a dream to see Ethiopia where national resources are shared equally and equitably. This is possible through applying principles of accountability and transparency. At this point in time , the current political power relation must be revised to address public interests , end TPLF gangs and mafia groups, dictatorship role from government functions at all level and at any “government machineries “. To be honest, observe all minster level shared power and calculate where the lion share is allocated. The game played by TPLF is not fair, this must be stopped. Ethiopia must belong to the Nation not for the fulfillments of little TPLF group interests.
10. I have a dream to see Ethiopia where all civil servants are judged by their professional contribution not by their political attitudes or membership. At this juncture, we have to free all civil servants from any financial contributions to political parties ruling the country. We must work to end the suffering of Ethiopian civil servants from “double master” political system (party and government). They must be re organized to work for public interest, our national development above all to the national interest and rule of law. We must break the spirit of fear from the civil servants that hinder their productivity, killed their potential to serve the public interests, lead them to be involved in grand and petty corruptions, forced them to not have national vision, and eroded their sincere sprit to civil service ethics. This will be end if the TPLF ruled system avoided and replaced by democratic government where citizens are fully aware their constitutional refights and obligations.
11. I have a dream to free Ethiopian academic institutions; make them to work for broad national interest. It is clear that majority of “political cadres” are prepared/ produced in the universities. They fill political membership form fearing that they will be jobless after graduation or can’t get financial support from credit provider party affiliated institutions. We must stop this and save our generation from 21 century mentality of slavery. Ethiopia must be organized in the form of our common home, not as party property.
The way the young generation come to civil service is quite unethical. They are coming to the service by caring a slogan saying “yabathe bet sizeref abreh zeref”. You can imagine that what citizens are produced from our “flourishing “universities. The covert political and economic strategy and agenda of TPLF is clear, they need to have a country and a generation doesn’t have any national and regional sentiment, highly corrupted personality. They are working aggressively to form a generation encircled by its private needs and lust for petty material interests, compromise national and human values for material needs, live under fleshy sprit with dead conscience.
12. I have a dream to see Ethiopia with high standard and international level diplomatic missions serving our sovereign interest working beyond establishments of TPLF economic empire, connect Ethiopia with the remaining world based on well articulated long year’s strategies visions, charismatic and democratic leadership with zero level enmity with neighboring and distant countries and nations. This is possible if the TPLF covert and narrow economic interest brings to an end and replaced by democratic political system which is overt, transparent and doesn’t compromise the national interests of our country.
13. I have a dream to see dignified human race, especially Ethiopian citizens (the elderly, girls, boys, children’s, mothers, and fathers, disabled peoples) etc living and sleeping on the street with pet animals, feed from garbage deposals together with street dogs. This is possible through changing TPLF ruled social and poverty reduction policy by introduction of holistic national social security policy.
14. I have a dream to see Ethiopia where social services are fulfilled and met to all, free from TPLF covert political marginalization strategy, where the national resources are shared equally and equitably. This is possible through emancipation of regional governments from TPLF proxy and immediate controlling and manipulation, maintain fair power relations at national level, diminish and finally avoid TPLF invisible hands from all national machineries, allow the people to exercise their democratic right on how to use the national resource which must not require them the “blessing” or approval of TPLF. This is possible through the establishments of scientific based independent national treasury organ accountable to and monitored by the wider public emanated from democratic institutions.
Conclusion:
I believe that my dream is yours. This is our country. We have common interest and common home; our commonalty is bigger than our differences. We must look at the biggest picture that causes us to be a “idiot slave” for TPLF limit us to not claim a God given freedom. It is clear we Ethiopians are marginalized and reduced to secondary and tertiary level citizenship. It is obvious that TPLF’s are primary citizens in every aspect of our country affairs. This is not fair. This is a result of high levels of corrupted personality. There should be a paradigm shift in the landscape of Ethiopian politics.
Therefore, let us work towards the fulfillments of this dream to realize a democratic Ethiopia, where we all are living together, (including the TPLF group if they are ready for reconciliation) in harmony, equality, brotherhood, dignity, mutual respect. We must push and do this in vary peaceful and civilized ways. At last I assure you that we shall arrive at the land of love, peace and reconciliation. There we shall please our creator God.
Thursday, 22 August 2013
Ethiopian Asylum Seekers Association in Norway organized a demonstration
By : Abi Amare
Ethiopian Asylum Seekers Association in Norway organized a demonstration in front of the Norwegian Foreign Affairs august 16,2013 against the TPLF regime in Ethiopia to condemn and Request donors and all members of the international community (including Norway) to re-evaluate the relationship with Ethiopian regime and put pressure on the regime to respect human rights, rule of law, and release all political prisoners,
Strongly condemn collaboration of e.g., Chinese and Indian governments and investors in the massive fertile land grab and deforestation programme, evicting poor farmers, Condemn China’s collaboration with the Ethiopian regime in jamming and blocking independent media, like Voice of America (VOA), and the Ethiopian Satellite Television (ESAT) and denying Ethiopian people access to alternative media, Call up on all Ethiopians and political and civic organizations working for democratic change in Ethiopia to come together and work I unison to realize democracy and rule of law in the country and Strongly condemn the Ethiopian.
Ethiopian Government has violated Article 18
The Ethiopian Government has violated Article 18 of the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights in response to the ongoing Muslim protest movement in the country. Large numbers of protesters and journalists have been arrested, many of whom remain in detention. There are also numerous cases of police using excessive force and killing of peaceful demonstrators. 29 Key figures within the movement have been charged with terrorism offences are currently detained and subjected to torture. Most of those arrested and charged appear to have been targeted solely because of their participation in a peaceful protest movement.
In this regard we will hold a protest demonstration and other activites inorder to;
- .Be the voice for the voiceless,
- Show our solidarity with the victimes,
- Expose this diabolical act,
- Creat an international pressure,
- Confirm our continual struggle for freedom and justice in Ethiopia.
Justice for the oppressed!
Tuesday, 20 August 2013
How To End Government Intolerance Of Islam In Ethiopia
Sunday, November 11, 2012
Tcurrent Ethiopian constitution provides for freedom of religion and requires the separation of state and religion.
However the Muslim community in Ethiopia has been, for more than a year now, holding protests at mosques around the country against what is perceived as government interference in religious affairs. The protesters are demanding that the current members of the Islamic Affairs Supreme Council (Majlis) be replaced by elected representatives and that elections for Majlis representatives be held in mosques rather than in the Kebeles. Some members of the Muslim community accuse the Ethiopian Government of controlling the Majlis and sponsoring the propagation of Al-Ahbash, a little known sect of Islam. The Ethiopian Government, on the other hand, accuses the protesters of being led by extremists who want to establish an Islamic state in place of the current secular multination federation.
The Ethiopian Government has responded against some protests in 2012 with deadly force, most recently in Assassa in April and Gerba in October, resulting in the death of at least seven protesters, a large number of injuries, and the imprisonment of a number of protesters on terrorism charges.
The protests were triggered by the suspension of the Awoliyah Muslim Mission School and the dismissal of 50 Arabic teachers via a letter issued by the Majlis. The Awoliyah Muslim Mission School, has been a member since 1993 of the Islamic charitable agency known as International Islamic Relief Organization (IIRO), and has been linked to the Saudi Arabia controlled World Muslim League. Ethiopian authorities consider Awoliyah to be a breeding ground for a new generation of radical Muslims, which they refer to as “Salafi-Jihadists” or “Wahabi-Salafists”. However, the Muslim protesters have consistently adhered to nonviolent demonstrations, leaving the Ethiopian Government with little to no evidence of behavior or action that could be described as terrorism. It is clear to date that the Ethiopian Government is manufacturing a security problem where none actually exists.
A careful consideration of the matter reveals that what’s happening in Ethiopia today is a reflection of what has been taking place in the West. Concerns about terrorism have degenerated into an irrational suspicion of Muslims, which will continue unabated until Ethiopia and its Western partners reflect more critically on their own perceptions.
It is reasonable to argue that Ethiopia’s leaders are experiencing a growing fear of Islamic terrorism given the fact that it is combating the Al-Qaeda-linked Al-Shabab in Somalia and the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) in the Somali region of Ethiopia. This is buttressed by a universal consensus among analysts that Somalia and Sudan are exporters of both political Islam and Islamic terrorism. Given that Ethiopia is widely considered as a bulwark against Al Qaeda-linked terrorists in the Horn of Africa, Somalia and, across the Gulf of Aden, in Yeman, one could argue that Ethiopia is not suffering from siege mentality, but rather that it is suffering from rational fear.
There is some evidence that the Ethiopian Muslim community has been radicalized, although not in the sense that it has a political agenda, but in the sense that it has attained a higher degree of religious consciousness and has become more aware of its particularistic identity. In light of “Arab Spring” events that took place in North Africa and the Middle East, toppling repressive governments, it can be argued that the Ethiopian authorities are haunted by the fear of an ‘Ethiopian Spring’, which has not only contributed to the current crackdown on the media and the political opposition, but also against the Muslim community. Ethiopia has increasingly become intolerant of Islam.
There is little evidence to support the Ethiopian Government’s claim that its own Muslim community poses a legitimate threat to national and regional security. It only seems to be driven by a shrewd strategic calculus. Since Ethiopia is a critical partner in the West’s war on terror, the government thinks it helps to foment fear of the rise of radical Islam in Ethiopia that would lead to an improbable takeover of power by political Islam. The current Ethiopian Government seeks to keep Western support and aid flowing into the country through characterizing the Muslim community as linked to Islamic radicals and terrorist and thus a threat to national security.
The fear being cultivated by the Ethiopian Government without basis in evidence has lead to the dubious actions it has engaged in. It would be irrational for a country that has had a history of Islamic terrorism to dismiss the fear of Islamic terrorism. When it comes to Ethiopia, the fear is irrational in light of its recent past and current events. My point is that rational fear can be a guide to sensible public policy. However, it is simply absurd to believe that all Muslims in Ethiopia are fiends and terrorists in disguise. The Ethiopian Government is using irrational fear to justify intolerance of Islam, and all of this because of bad public policy.
To the extent that secularism is a constitutionally enshrined principle of governance, the interference is unacceptable. Any sponsorship by the government of a religious sect over others or any attempt of privileging one religion over another is illegitimate, be it Al-Ahbash or Wahabi. But this is not to divest the government of its legitimate authority to neutralize security threats as they arise. Recognizing the threshold requires not only good public policy and laws, but also responsible enforcement. If the Ethiopian Government supports a religious group such as Al-Ahbash, it must leave the task of propagating it to the faith-based nongovernmental organizations, rather than the Ministry of Federal Affairs. The primary problem is that the Ethiopian Government has already legislated civil society out of existence with its charities legislation, so that the legitimate activities of religious groups are constrained.
The threat claimed by the Ethiopian Government, which as yet is not clear and present, does not emanate from radicalization, but from the embrace of political Islam and its concomitant militancy. The threat emanating from radicalization in my view does not call for direct government intervention. It would have been better addressed by civil society organizations. Unfortunately, in Ethiopia today there is barely any vibrant civil society, including religion-based and inter-faith NGOs working in the area of peace and reconciliation as they were legislated out of existence by the government itself.
My prognosis is that the protests will surely grow so much so that it overwhelms the government’s ability to handle the situation. I don’t expect the peaceful Muslim protesters to resort to violent means in the near future. My concern is that the Ethiopian government will eventually resort to more force and repression than is warranted under the circumstances. While it is impossible to predict the consequences, one thing is certain – hatred begets hatred. Some thought the protests would simply go away with the Majlis elections. Now we know that a significant proportion of the Muslim community boycotted the polls that took place on 7 October 2012, although the Government claimed the elections were concluded successfully.
Another reason why the Ethiopian Government’s actions are misguided is because Islam has been historically a decentralized religious institution in Ethiopia. With the formal establishment of the Majlis by the Ethiopian Government in 1976, it has enjoyed an official governmental status, with its chairman considered by the government as “representative of the entire Muslim community,” and is accorded the same courtesies as the Patriarch of the Orthodox Church, the Bishop of the Catholic Church, and the Head of the Protestant Churches in public ceremonies. Historically, it has always been the responsibility of local mosques to appoint clerics, which makes the Ethiopian Government’s effort to control each and every mosque in the country through the Majlis untenable. It simply doesn’t work that way.
If the Ethiopian Government wants to help resolve this emerging conflict, it should refrain from interference. It should also make a goodwill gesture not only towards meeting the demands of Muslim protesters, but also in promoting a respectful and sustained dialogue among Muslims belonging to different Islamic sects, instead of promoting one sect of Islam to the exclusion of others. A positive first step would be to release the imprisoned elected leaders of the Muslim community and conduct the election of the members of the Majlis at the mosques rather than at the kebeles. Moreover, it must stop sponsoring Ahbashism at the expense of other sects of Islam as long as they respect the constitution and other laws of the land.
Last but not least, the Ethiopian Government should refrain from unnecessary provocations, which have been abundant in government publications and statements by authorities. After all, the Ethiopian Government owes Ethiopian Muslims all due respect and treatment, if not tolerance. For me, tolerance is not enough. The problem with applying the concept of tolerance to the case of Ethiopian Muslims is that it neglects the rich history of Islam in Ethiopia. It ignores the fact that Ethiopia’s Muslims were early historical converts in the same way as Ethiopia’s Christians.
However, through repressive interference the Ethiopian Government will only be sowing the seeds of a radicalized political Islam that it seeks to keep at bay. The ongoing interference will do more harm than good.
Monday, 19 August 2013
George Ayittey's war on African dictatorships
By Alemayehu G. Mariam | June 13, 2011
Professor George Ayittey
Prof. George Ayittey: Targetting the dictators ravaging African lives
George Ayittey, the distinguished Ghanaian economist, and arguably one of the “Top 100 Public Intellectuals” (a person of ideas who stands for things far larger than one’s academic discipline) worldwide who “are shaping the tenor of our time” has been at war with Africa’s tin pot dictators and their lackeys for at least two decades. In 1996, he told African intellectuals exactly what he thought of them: “Hordes of politicians, lecturers, professionals, lawyers, and doctors sell themselves off into prostitution and voluntary bondage to serve the dictates of military vagabonds with half their intelligence. And time and time again, after being raped, abused, and defiled, they are tossed out like rubbish -- or worse. Yet more intellectual prostitutes stampede to take their places...”
No one tells the truth about Africa’s dictators or their Western sugar daddies better than Ayittey. Recently, he was in Oslo at the World Freedom Forum skewering African dictators and mapping out battle plans. He reminded his audience:
In the 1960s, we got rid of the white colonialists, but we did not dissemble the oppressive colonial state. We removed the white colonialist and replaced him by black neocolonialists, Swiss bank socialists, crocodile liberators, quack revolutionaries and briefcase bandits. Africans will tell you, we remove one cockroach and the next rat comes to do the same exact thing.
Africa’s “briefcase bandits” run full-fledged criminal enterprises. Sani Abacha of Nigeria amassed $5 billion, and the Swiss Supreme Court in 2005 declared the Abacha family a “criminal enterprise”. Omar al-Bashir of the Sudan has stashed away $7 billion while Hosni Mubarak is reputed to have piled a fortune of $40 billion. In comparison, Ayittey says, “The net worth of 43 U.S. presidents from Washington to Obama amounts to 2.5 billion.”
How Do You Fight and Win Against African Dictators?
Ayittey’s “law” of African dictatorship says African dictators cannot be defeated through “rah-rah street demonstrations alone.” To purge Africa from the scourge of dictatorships, Ayittey says three things are required:
First, it takes a coalition to organize and coordinate the activities of the various opposition groups. It is imperative that you have a small group of people-- call them an elders’ council to coordinate the activities-- [composed] of eminent and respectable personalities who have no political baggage. They must be able to reach out to all the opposition groups. We formed one in Ghana called the Alliance for Change… Second, you got to know the enemy, his modus operandi, his strengths and weaknesses… You find his weaknesses and exploit it…. All dictators [operate] by seiz[ing] the civil service, media, judiciary, security forces, election commission and control the bank. They pack these institutions with their cronies and subvert them to serve their interests. For a revolution to succeed, you have to wrest control of one of more of these institutions. Third, you have to get the sequence of reform correct…
Last year, there were ten elections in Africa. The dictators won all ten… Why? Because the opposition was divided. In Ethiopia, for example, there were 92 political parties running to challenge the dictator Meles Zenawi… It shouldn’t be this way. The council should bring all of the opposition into an alliance…
What Can Ethiopians Learn from Ayittey?
Is Ayittey right in his assertion that “dictator Meles Zenawi” keeps winning “elections” because the opposition is divided? Why is there not a “coalition to organize and coordinate the activities of the various Ethiopian opposition groups”? Is it possible to set up an “Ethiopian Alliance for Change”? What are the weaknesses of the dictator? These are questions that need to be discussed and debated by Ethiopians in Ethiopia and in the Diaspora.
Looking Through the Dictators’ Lenses
Ayittey is absolutely right in his prescriptions on how to remove dictators. In understanding the modus operandi of African dictators, one must necessarily go beyond an examination of the dictators’ actions, decision-making processes and command-and-control relationships and try to see the world through the dictators’ lenses. I believe it is equally important to have a sophisticated understanding of the mindset of African dictators, the motivations that drive them to commit unimaginable acts of cruelty, the perverted logic of their thought processes and why they cling to power when they are totally rejected by the people.
Analysis of the psychodynamics (mental, emotional, or motivational forces especially at the unconscious levels) of African dictators shows some act out of hate and others from greed and the need to dominate. Still others act from painful early childhood impressions which “tend to coalesce into a natural view of the world”. They spend the rest of their lives trying to get even against those who may have slighted them. All of Africa’s dictators are sociopaths. They have no empathy (no emotional capacity for the suffering of others) towards others. They are devoid of ethical and moral standards. For them it is normal to lie, steal, cheat, kill, torture and violate the rights of others. It is vitally important to have a clear and objective understanding of the mindset of African dictators to anticipate their likely responses in a variety of situations and their tactical adaptations to actions taken against them by their pro-democracy opponents.
My view is that “if you have seen one African dictator, you have seen them all”. African dictators manifest three basic traits: 1) denial of reality, 2) narcissism and 3) paranoia (fear). African dictators have difficulty accepting reality, that is, the world as it objectively manifests itself. They see only what they want to see; and to avoid what they don’t want to see, they manufacture their own convenient world of illusions out of the whole cloth of their personal beliefs, opinions and fantasies. When they win elections, they win by 99.6 percent. When unemployment and inflation are skyrocketing, they see annual economic growth of 15 percent. When people are starving, they see “pockets of severe malnutrition”. As they continue to abuse power without any legal restraints and convince themselves that they are above the law and accountable to no one but themselves, they transform their world of illusion into a world of delusion where they become both the “lone rangers” of the old American West and the sole custodians of the Holy Grail, with miraculous powers to save their nation.
African dictators are narcissistic. They believe they are the center of the universe and everything revolves around them. Because they are narcissistic, they are limited in their thinking, selective in their views, narrow in their vision, intolerant of dissent, solicitous of praise and adulation often surrounding themselves with yes-men, distrustful of everyone (except those in the small close group of people who feed them only the information they want to hear). They remain rigid and inflexible and their approach and attitude towards their opposition is never to compromise or negotiate. At best, they see their opposition as wayward children who need constant supervision, discipline and punishment to keep them in line. Their mantra is: “It’s my way which is the only way, or the highway, ain’t no way or you-are-on-your-way-to-jail!” To their way of thinking, conciliation and reconciliation with their opposition is humiliation, and a deep wound on their pride.
African dictators rule by fear, yet they and their henchmen and cronies live in a state of fear. It is true that those who are feared by the people in turn fear the people who fear them. They are afraid of their own shadows. They are afraid of criticism, and most of all they are afraid of the truth. They interact only with those in their inner circle (the “state within the state”, the “knights of the roundtable”). They often find out that their trusted and loyal lackeys have little real understanding of the outside world or the complex domestic issues and problems. Even when there are a few in the inner circle who might have some sophisticated understanding, they are often afraid to tell the dictators the truth.
Coalition Against African Dictatorships
Unless pro-democracy elements understand the psychodynamics of African dictators, they will likely remain on the defensive and inherently reactive mode. The fact of the matter is that African dictators study and know their opposition better than the opposition knows itself. They know how their opponents think, at what price they can be bought and sold and that many of them would rather join them to rip off the people than fight them. As Ayittey observed, they know even Africa’s best and brightest can be bought and sold like those in the world’s oldest profession. African dictators are always making psychological assessments of their opposition. They know what to do to exploit the smallest disagreements among their opposition. They know the leadership of their opposition is fixated on strategies that will bring quick results and avoid tactics that will work but take longer time to produce results. They know their opposition cannot prevail because they do not have the youth on their side, or have the willingness, readiness and capacity to mobilize and engage the youth. African dictators know the meaning of the statement made by their patron saint: “He alone, who owns the youth, gains the future.”
Know Thyself, Not Just the Dictators
To defeat African dictators, pro-democracy forces must do a great deal of self-introspection. Why do many in the African opposition do things that will help dictators become stronger? Opposition infighting is the greatest source of strength to African dictators. Why can’t opposition leaders get along with each other if they are irrevocably committed to the causes of freedom, democracy and human rights? Often opposition leaders can’t see the forest for the trees. Why don’t opposition leaders actively work to build trust, cooperation and camaraderie across party, ideological, ethnic, religious lines? Perhaps a code of conduct for opposition groups is needed to promote a culture of truth-telling, fair and ethical dealing, tolerance and loyalty to principles and causes than individuals regardless of their leadership role.
A couple of years ago, I wrote a commentary complaining about the disarray in the Ethiopian opposition and pleading with opposition elements to put the cause of freedom, democracy and human rights above partisan or individual interests.
Those genuinely in the opposition must accept responsibility for their inability to come together and articulate a vision for the country. They deserve blame for squandering valuable opportunities to build organizational alliances, develop alternative policies and train young leaders… But that is no excuse for not closing ranks against dictatorship now, and presenting a united front in support of democracy, freedom and human rights.
When we understand the dictators and ourselves, we can devise strategies and tactics to replace the “vampire African states” that Ayittey often speaks about with democratic governments that operate under the rule of law and with the consent of the people. Ayittey said, “Africa is poor because she is not free.” I say Africa remains under the boots of ruthless dictators because her best and brightest children are the shoe-shiners of the dictators. It is time to close ranks against African dictators.
Saturday, 17 August 2013
Azeb Mesfin lost TPLF’s cash cow
August 17, 2013
by Abebe Gellaw
The Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) has quietly removed the late dictator’s widow Azeb Mesfin from the helm of EFFORT as Chief Executive Officer a few months after her husband’s demise, it emerged.
Azeb, widely known as the ‘Queen of Mega’ and ‘mother of corruption’ among Ethiopians, had snatched the reins of power within the Endowment Fund for the Rehabilitation of Tigray (EFFORT) from her bitter rival Sibehat Nega and Abadi Zemo. She was once the de facto second in command in her husband’s tyrannical regime.
The new boss appointed to as the Chief Executive Office (CEO) of TPLF’s multi-billion dollars business empire and corruption cash cow emerged to be Berhane Kidane Mariam Yihdego, a Central Committee member of the TPLF. According to informed sources, Berhane is a close confidant and business partner of Sebhat Nega, a multi-millionaire in his own right like most members of the TPLF ruling class.
Berhane, who enjoys multiple high profile positions as a privileged TPLF loyalist, was the former General Manager of TPLF’s propaganda mouthpiece Walta Information Center from 2006 up to last year. Besides being the President of the nepotistic and corruption-plagued Ethiopian Olympics Committee (EOC), he sits on the boards of Wegagen Bank, which is also owned by the TPLF, and Mekele University. The new EFFORT chief also claims to be the founder and Deputy Board Chairman of a private company called “Ethiopian Quality Award Organization,” according to his CV obtained by Addis Voice.
TPLF’s move to replace Azeb with the new loyalist was confirmed by Berhane himself who recently sent an updated CV and a profile to the Switzerland-based Association of National Olympic Committees (ANOC), where he represents Ethiopia as EOC president. In his profile posted on ANOC’s website, he listed his current professional position as “Board of Director and Chief Executive Officer of EFFORT Investment Group” since 2012. In spite of the fact that the exact month of his appointment was not mentioned nor made official, the ANOC website indicates that Berhane’s latest profile was updated on May 2, 2013. The French and Spanish versions of his profile web pages also carry exactly the same information.
Walta reported recently that Berhane Kidanemariam, the new “Director of EFFORT and TPLF CC member conducted a successful meeting with the Diaspora in Seattle.” The meeting, hosted by the Union of Tigrians in North America (UTNA), focused on how EFFORT is implementing its objective of developing Tigray and making it self-reliant, it stated.
Heaping praise on its former boss, Walta promoted the corrupt conglomerate’s new chief as eloquent, persuasive and visionary. “Berhane Kidane Mariam, with his eloquent and persuasive ability, spelled out the objective of his presence in Seattle and explained the development in Tigrai and the role of EFFORT to uplift the hope and aspiration of many Tigrians from poverty to self-reliance,” Walta declared.
According to an insider, who confirmed the reshuffle, Azeb is deeply resented and despised among high-ranking TPLF leaders and her fall from grace and power has been quick and spectacular. The only playing card at her disposal is her husband’s foundation, which is not even given attention by the TPLF bigwigs. “Without her husband, she is like a fish out of water. Her survival among her rivals like the wicked Sibehat Nega will be short-lived. Losing TPLF’s blood-sucking machine is a big blow against Azeb,” the insider said.
Sibhat Nega has recently been quoted as saying that Meles is being used as a cover and a bargaining chip by some who are exaggerating his success as a ruler. The veteran TPLF strongman has been critical of those who tend to heap praise on Meles, whom he slashed to have betrayed the TPLF and endangered its unity by enforcing his will through his secretive inner circle.
Meanwhile, Azeb is demanding huge plots of land around the metropolis in the name of the Meles Zenawi foundation. “All the best land goes to the TPLF as usual. It seems the TPLF has subverted the revolutionary slogan “land to the tillers” with “land to the killers.” All the corrupt TPLF generals and officials have scrambled for the best land all over the country,” Yalem Zew, a political commenter said.
The late dictator appointed his wife to control the immense wealth of EFFORT in early 2009. EFFORT, the biggest business monopoly in Ethiopia, controls vast resources and over 60 companies in Ethiopia but TPLF claims that it is the exclusive asset of Tigrians by virtue of their ethnicity. The corrupt conglomerate has been widely criticized to have multi-billion birr loans from state banks written off and for engaging in blatant tax evasion enjoying “nonprofit” status as an endowment.
Ethiopian activists often mention the parasitic EFFORT as an example of TPLF’s apartheid policies that have deliberately created huge economic and political disparities between the Tigrian ruling class and the oppressed people of Ethiopia.
‘Salat Man’ is symbol of resistance for Muslims in Ethiopia
August 16, 2013
Source: Al Jazeera
Similar to China’s ‘Tank Man,’ Ethiopia’s ‘Salat Man’ could prove to be a memorable symbolic icon.
The appeal of non-violence as a means of social transformation is almost universal. Few deny its awesome power when unleashed with discipline. However, in the face of an impeding danger, especially one known to be as brutal as they come, it takes a lot of courage to remain nonviolent. Even though it calls for more valor than one need in a pitched battle, history has recorded only a handful of such defiant acts of ultimate heroism in man’s long quest for freedom and justice.
But no incident exemplifies the true genius of such silent rebellion more than China’s Tank Man. The year was 1989, at the height of a violent crackdown on pro-democracy protesters in Beijing that saw hundreds, if not thousands, dead and many more arrested. A sole rebel, whose identity remains unknown quarter of a century later, took matters onto his own hands by blocking the advance of rumbling Chinese tanks near Tiananmen Square – at least 18 of them - dispatched to squash the popular protests threatening one-party rule, once and for all.
The Unknown Soldier walked to the middle of the street, held what looked like a shopping bag, and swerved left and right to halt the advance of the juggernaut. The symbolism of his defiance was instantly broadcast around the world and photos of his heroic resistance were globally published. Even in the pre-Internet era, that single image of a skinny young man blocking the path of the most fearsome of war machines immortalised the eventual triumph of the fight against authoritarianism worldwide.
Ethiopia’s ‘China Tank Man’
On August 8, 2013 – far from China’s Tiananmen Square, in Ethiopia’s capital Addis Ababa, a lone worshiper prayed the Eid Salat and was encircled by an army of riot police. The image shows a man on his knees praying unintimidated as a phalange of soldiers, bearing shields and batons, looked on. The desolate background, apparently deserted by other worshipers fearful for their lives or carted away, against an array of uniform police magnifies the image of this unknown rebel. Asked to name the faithful in the picture, Dimtsachin Yisema, the Facebook group often seen as the de facto leading body of the horizontal Ethiopian Muslims movement, said in an email, “it was sent to us by an activist.”
Like the Chinese activists of the 80s, even if for different grievances, Muslims in Ethiopia have been protesting against government interference in religious matters for nearly two years.
Some 29 leaders of the nonviolent campaign that calls on the Ethiopian government to respect it’s own constitution remain incarcerated on tramped up terrorism charges, the same charges used to muzzle journalists like Eskinder Nega and dissenting politicians Bekele Garba .
A week before Eid-al-Fitr in Kofele, central Oromia, far removed from the prying eyes of foreign cameras, over a dozen Muslim protesters, including a mother and child, were massacred in broad daylight. The story received passing references in the mainstream media. A foreign correspondent who visited the town few days after the incident was returned to the capital under threat of imprisonment.
As was with the Tiananmen Square protests of 1989 , sometimes it takes a symbolic gesture to inspire courage. The photo of the ” Salat Man” in Addis Ababa will likely go down the annals of history as one of the most iconic symbols in the history of not just the Muslim protests but also of the struggle of the country’s diverse population for an end to the mounting repression by a one-party rule, now in power for more than two decades.
Although similar in appearance, the two iconic images faced starkly different fates. One was captured by CNN and the Associated Press cameras – and instantly broadcast around the world. The other was captured by a citizen journalist, perhaps with a mobile phone camera, and casually uploaded on Facebook.
Ethiopia, a donor darling of the West, is considered to be one of the most oppressive countries for journalists. It also boasts the largest number of exiled journalists in the world.
Under these dire circumstances, even with a below regional average Internet penetration rate, social media has enabled Ethiopian activists, at least in urban areas, to organise and get their message across more effectively than the state, albeit to an indifferent world .
Paradigm shift?
Protests are rare in Ethiopia. The last sustained protests in the country’s long but troubled history took down Emperor Haile Selassie, the last monarch. The fatal blow to the tottering imperial regime was delivered by Muslim protesters, joined by their liberal Christian allies, who staged one of the largest demonstrations preceding the Ethiopian Revolution of 1974. The ongoing Muslim movement is the most sustained, unified and well organised the country has seen, perhaps in its entire history.
Muslims, estimated to be more than a third of Ethiopia’s 93 million people, began protesting against government meddling in religious affairs in late 2011. Demonstrations were set off when students at the nation’s only Islamic institute walked out of classes after their teachers were dismissed, and replaced by regime loyalists through a government edict in an effort to impose Lebanese Islamic sect called Al-Ahbash .
Absent the alternative, activists now use social media as a primary broadcasting medium
But the incident had an unforeseen consequence for the regime; it served as a catalyst for a wider Muslim movement that called for a redress of years of marginalisation and silent suffering. The protesters demanded a free and fair election of Islamic leaders to the highest Muslim council, known as Majlis.
First, the government agreed to negotiate with the protesters. The protesters elected a committee of 17 Muslim activists to communicate their grievances to the authorities. When the negotiations failed, the regime arrested all of them in a desperate attempt to nip the movement that it deemed extremist at the bud. This too backfired as the protester’s calls grew bolder and their nonviolent tactics more sophisticated. Ironically, the jailed leaders of the two-year-old protest movement were among the most educated and moderate Muslim thinkers the public has known.
As was the case in China throughout the 1980s, Ethiopia’s state-run media have launched continuous attacks on the movement and its leaders, including a now famous mockumentary called Jihadawi Harakat. The fictitious film juxtaposes unrelated events in an attempt to link the protesters to terrorist groups in Mali, Nigeria, and Somalia.
Absent the alternative, activists now use social media as a primary broadcasting medium. The greatest strengths of utilizing digital platforms are also its greatest weaknesses. Given the information overload on social media networks, some of the most important messages can easily be buried – including the photo of the Salat Man .
If the image of Tank Man was one of the top 10 photos that changed the world, then when the symbolism and the defiant spirit of the Salat Man finally reaches the public – those on the exteriors of Facebook walls – his image too will forever inspire a generation of Ethiopian human rights activists, Muslims or not.
Friday, 16 August 2013
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