Let the People go! Travel ban does not solve the problem

By Temesgen Zewdie

October 29, 2013


The Honorable Temesgen Zewde is foreign relations chief of UDJP (Andenet)


The recent decision by the government of Ethiopia to ban domestic workers from traveling to the Middle East and Arab countries is myopic at best and stone-age governance at worst. Any sensible government would define the alleged problem and seek solutions without subjecting innocent people to lose their Constitutional and Universal Rights to travel to their places of choice. This type of draconian government decision can only                                                                         happen in a one-party totalitarian state.


Any rational government would ask itself why its citizens choose to travel to another country by hundreds of thousands instead of staying put in their own country. Most people need income to live on, and support their families; and hence they need to work to earn money. The stagnant Ethiopian Economy does not create jobs; and when it does, you have to belong to a corrupt ethnic net-work Ruling party circle to secure employment. For the majority of the population who do not belong to this corrupt circle of thieves, the choice is to travel to an equally unenlightened savage environment to earn a living or starve.

 There are many Ethiopian domestic workers who have lost their lives and some seriously injured because of abuse by their employers during their stay in the Middle East, and Arab Countries. The fact of the matter is, domestic workers do not have much of a choice; it is either to stay in their homeland Ethiopia and starve, or flee the country to a lawless foreign land and a hostile environment; where human rights of workers are grossly neglected, or most of the time abused.

Any responsible government would investigate the cause of injustice, death, and injuries sustained by its citizens in a foreign land through its diplomatic mission in host countries; and seek diplomatic and legal solutions to mitigate the crisis; or better yet, make an honest and vigorous effort to accelerate the economic development of the Country to create conditions of employment available to all citizens without bias to ethnic favoritism, corruption, and nepotism which is rampant under the current administration. The people at the helm of power in our Country seem to have no clue, nor do they care about the right of the individual to work and support himself/herself and their family in any place of his/her choice as long as they meet the legal requirements of the host country. What is one supposed to do if not work and earn a livening?

I have argued both as a member of parliament (2005-2010), and as a member of the Opposition since then, that the double digit GDP economic growth propaganda of the Ruling elite is an illusion sometimes supported by International money lenders to systematically loot the country for their mutual benefit, while allowing the narrow ethnic Ruling cliques continue its misrule and pillage of the resources of the country to satisfy its insatiable desire for money, power, and ethnic chauvinism.


In Ethiopia, almost 70 percent of the urban youth is unemployed. To make matters worse, 20 percent of the rural population is flocking to the urban area in search of employment. Those who are capable of escaping the miserable economic deprivation and lack of freedom in their homeland flee the Country by tens of thousands endangering their lives; by any means necessary, legally or illegally.


 In 2009 alone over a hundred thousand Ethiopians have illegally crossed over to Yemen with the hope of reaching Saudi Arabia. An equal number of Ethiopians have also migrated to Sudan and Kenya in search of a better life. It would be an understatement to say that any responsible government would be alarmed by the mass migration, and the loss of life in the process. The Ruling Party just walk-up to this monumental national problem and the first step it took to mitigate the crisis was a travel ban to the Middle East and Arab Countries, without due consideration to the Natural, Constitutional, and Universal Rights of its subjects.


While unemployment is a source of despair for many Ethiopians, an equal number of urban consumers are stretched to the limit to meet their daily expenses because of the high cost of living instigated by the upward spiraling inflation. While the government purports inflation to be in the single digit using its mouth piece propaganda media machine, it is actually in the double digits which is attested by the escalating prices in the local markets for goods and services which have quadrupled in the past few years especially for agricultural commodities such as Teff, Corn, wheat, cooking oil, sugar, coffee etc….commonly consumed by the people of Ethiopia.

The purchasing power of the local currency (birr) has depreciated almost 60 percent within the past four years, making life impossible for people with fixed income such as government employees, and retirees. This is a Country where 90 percent of the population earns less than two dollars a day; and where 5 to 8 million people are exposed to food insecurity at any given year.

While the cost of living is extremely high because of the ravaging inflation, the Regime is busy flooding the economy with printed money, while at the same time widening the budget deficit, making an already bad situation worst. The Ruling Party refuses to use conventional macroeconomic tools to bring inflation under control for fear of deflating its shattered political image.


 The external debt of the country has ballooned to 15 billion dollars; without taking into account the 6 billion dollar international debt cancellations the government received in 2006 from Western Countries. In addition, the country suffers from shortages of foreign exchange, which has forced the current account deficit and the balance of payment to widen, which in turn has forced the government to reserve just enough money to cover a one month of imports
.
 The Ruling Party has the distinction of running a continuous trade deficit with all its trading partners; not having a single instance of trade surplus with any international trading partner in the last 23 years of its dictatorial misrule of the Country. Who among us would not wish to flee from a country mired in social, political, and economic problems to last generations to come? Not only the domestic workers flee their country to the Middle East, and Arab Countries; the rest of us, living in various western countries, are proof to the atrocious social, economic, and political conditions in our country.

No government has the right to hold its citizens hostage by declaring a travel ban; the decision by the government to ban travel has fortunately pointed to the glaring inadequacy of the government in managing the social, political, and macro-economic governance of the Country. It is illegal to ban travel to any Country short of a military hostility between two countries. In a democratic society the right of a citizen to work and earn a living is legally guaranteed, and cannot be abridged by the whims of dictators.


In conclusion, I would like to suggest, what in my opinion, would be a common sense solution to the problem.


a) The source of the conflict between employer and employee should be researched, so that the government has facts and figures to base its future decisions.

b) Hostilities between employer and employees could be reduced if entrepreneurs in Ethiopia are encouraged to open training schools for migrant workers to learn the language, culture, tradition of host countries.

c) Trained government diplomats (courses in 101 International Relations would help), sensitive enough to seek legal and diplomatic solution to the conflict.

d) Networking with international Human Rights Organizations to highlight the problems in host counties.

Travel ban is not a solution. The underground movement to smuggle people out of the Country would begin in earnest because of your callous decision. The sooner you learn from your monumental mistakes the better for all of us.

The writer, Temesgen Zewde, is chairman of Foreign Relations Committee of the UDJP (Andenet). He was also member of parliament.

Racism in Ethiopia

By Fikru Helebo and Ephrem Madebo

Obang Metho of the Anuak Justice Council recently asked a rhetorical question: "Is there racism in Ethiopia?" Yes, there is racism in Ethiopia, no doubt about it. What may be debated is in what forms is racism manifested in Ethiopia and the degree to which that racism affects one’s social life. 

It would not be far from the truth to suggest that there is some form of racism in every country around the world -- Ethiopia is not an exception. Sadly, one of the worst kinds of racism, slavery, existed in Ethiopia until about three generations ago.

Slavery was officially abolished in Ethiopia only in 1942! It was even used by the Italians as a justification for their invasion in 1935. Unfortunately, the vestiges of the ugly legacy of slavery are still with us today. This legacy is primarily manifested in the form of prejudice towards our compatriots who come from the peripheral regions in the southern and western parts of the country. Ethiopians, as a people, should be ashamed for allowing this kind of racism to continue unabated in the dawn of the 21st century.

By the way, what is racism? When we think of racism, we mostly think of the institutionalized form of racism that we see in the West which is directed mostly towards people of African descent. In reality, however, racism is a phenomenon that exists anywhere between groups of people when one discriminates against the other based on any inborn physical attributes and considers their group to be superior. 

Ethiopian racism is based on the tone of skin color and physical traits such as facial features and hair texture. For the purpose of this article, racism is discriminating against or denigrating a fellow Ethiopian or human being based on skin color and/or physical characteristics. 

Mind you, though racism in Ethiopia has its roots in our ethnic differences, it should not be confused with discrimination based on ethnic affiliation or economic status. This is true because in Ethiopia ethnic slurs are different from racial slurs, and no matter what one’s economic status is, he/she might not be free from racial abuses.

 Some ethnic groups might be bombarded with bone piercing ethnic slurs, but not necessarily with racial slurs, whereas some other ethnic groups, especially from western and southern Ethiopia, face both ethnic and racial abuses. 

Even today, social contacts (for example, marriage) with Ethiopians of Nilotic origin are considered a taboo. We all know that any Ethiopian whose physical characteristics has resemblance to Nilotic or Bantu people faces daily verbal abuses and is showered with ugly and discriminatory nick names such as baria, mesheto, wefcho-lash, etc…

The other strange face of Ethiopian racism is that it is not limited to within Ethiopia or between Ethiopians. When we travel abroad, our racist attitude travels with us. Here in the United States, Ethiopians display splendid respect for white Americans, but do not accord the same respect to black Americans. Some of us even use the derisive Amharic word baria to refer to darker-skinned black Americans. 

In whatever foreign country we are, when we see a black person with straight nose, large eyes, and zoma hair, we tend to say “he/she looks like an Ethiopian”, knowing that the person is not an Ethiopian. On the other hand, our heart does not accept a darker skin, a flat nose or a kinky hair person as an Ethiopian. 

Basically, in Ethiopia or outside Ethiopia, we Ethiopians have certain physical characteristics and features that we ascribe for ourselves, and anyone outside that artificial provenance is subject for abuse or ridicule.

In the last 35 years many Ethiopian expatriates have lived in places like Kenya, Tanzania, Uganda, Djibouti, and Somalia (pre-1991). Some oral and written accounts and many real life experiences in these and other African countries have indicated that many Ethiopian refugees displayed superficial cultural and racial superiority, and in many cases bombarded the natives with racial slurs. 

However, the cultural superiority and the racial slurs were non-existent among Ethiopian refugees who lived in Somalia and Arab countries. The reader can easily guess why! I [Ephrem] very well remember my personal experience when I was a refugee in Kenya. 

I had a Kenyan girl friend from Machakos who has to endure daily mocking and racial slanders [monkey, baria] from almost all of my Ethiopian friends [male, female]. To some Ethiopians, racism might look like a simple joke among equals, this is not true because when racism is expressed in the form of joke, the joke is always one directional and it is based on one side always taking pride in its superiority.

Racism is a broad topic and probably as old as humanity itself. We recognize that racism in the Ethiopian context has its own unique characteristics and should be addressed with care and sensitivity. We also recognize that there are some cultural preferences that are exhibited by some Ethiopians that could unfairly be labeled as racist in some quarters.

 Be that as it may, Ethiopians must rid ourselves of any kind of prejudice towards any one based on his/her skin color or physical characteristics. If and when anyone of us exhibits such foolish and backward racist behavior, as was clearly the case when the AigaForum web site attempted to denigrate the tireless human rights campaigner Obang Metho, we have a moral responsibility to confront the perpetrators and unequivocally condemn their behavior.

 Not only must we condemn such racist behavior, we should also put the perpetrators to public shame. If we fail to do this and turn a blind eye to racism, then we are just as guilty as the offending party.

Obang has made an eloquent call for Ethiopians to address the issue of racism in Ethiopia. We concur. We believe that the time is now for us, as Ethiopian people, to acknowledge that racism in Ethiopia is a real problem that must be confronted sooner than later.

 Trying to deny, hide, or downplay this very sensitive and agonizing problem will only compound our existing political divide. We do not see any valid and over-riding reason to delay this issue from being discussed at this point in time. 

Fighting racism is as important a human rights issue as any and by proactively and responsibly addressing this very important issue at this time head on (lest we regret not heeding this call), we will only help ensure that our struggle for human rights and democracy will be a more complete one

Ethiopians in Norway vowed to stand beside Ginbot 7 popular force

On 28^th of September 2013, successful fundraising was conducted for Ginbot 7 Popular Force (G7pf), recently established and struggling against the woyane junta. The fundraising event, staged from 4:00 – 12:00 p.m. local time, was coordinated by a taskforce established by Democratic Change in Ethiopia Support Organization in Norway (DCESON). The event was able to attract many participants from all over Norway and other European countries. The event was one of the success stories in the history of fundraising in terms of both participation and raised amount of money.

The official announcement of the founding of the Ginbot 7 people`s force has been a positive development and was welcomed by most Ethiopians living in Norway. Ginbot 7 popular force has added a momentum to the struggle and elevated the moral and hope of many Ethiopians living in Norway. The formation of this force marks a new and decisive phase in the struggle against the racist and fascist rule of the Tigray People`s Liberation Front (TPLF) in Ethiopia. Hence, the enthusiasm, inspiration and increased degree of engagement that were witnessed during the event reflected the aspirations and commitments of the participants. Besides, it shows that the force has been able to garner an increasing and widespread support in Norway and inevitably in other parts of the Diaspora at the moment.

Ato Dawit Mekonnen.

The DCESON has been supporting the struggle for democracy, freedom and justice in Ethiopia starting from the pre-kinijit time. The current fundraising event is purely the initiative of DCESON and it was conducted by forming a taskforce consisting of its committed members. DCESON took this mission as a national and timely one and undertook extensive planning and mobilization tasks. On the other hand, the agents of the TPLF and their supporters made futile attempts and campaigns to undermine and hamper this event. This shows that the formation of an armed Ethiopian resistance force has frightened and alarmed the TPLF camp and regime.

Ato Andargachew Tsege

Ato Andargachew Tsege, the secretary of the Ginbot 7 Movement for Justice and Freedom and Democracy and Commander Assefa Maru, chief of Ginbot 7 Popular Force, were the guests of the event. The guests received a standing ovation in the event hall which was decorated with the Ethiopian flag and symbols of the popular force.

Ato Abi Amare

The event had a series of programs which went on as planned. After the program of the day was announced by Ato Abi Amare, leader of the PR group, opening remarks were given by preventative of the taskforce, Ato Worku Tadesse. A keynote address was given by the chairperson of the DCESON Ato Dawit Mekonnen. Representatives of the Ethiopian asylum seekers` association, w/t Sara Girma, DCESON women’s branch, w/o Guenet Worku, Chairperson of DCESON-Women’s section, W/t Lemlem Andarge, DCESON-Bergen branch, Ato Shume Werku gave speeches to the audience. In addition, W/t Kalkidan Kassahun from Steinskjer, Ato Sally Abraham from Vestness, also held speeches that focused on the significance of the event and the need for increased struggle against the TPLF rule in Ethiopia.  Moreover, the representative of the Tigray People Democratic Movement (TPDM) in Norway, Ato Haile Asmamaw, addressed the event and played the audiovisual message to all Ethiopians sent from the field.

The younger members of the DCESON in fatigues were a unique addition to the event.

Ato Andargachew outlined the tasks and current activities of the force and presented footage showing the training and preparations of the force out in the field. He also mentioned the cooperation with the Tigray People`s Democratic Movement (TPDM), hardships the members of the force undergo and the sacrifices they pay.

Commander Assefa Maru

Commander Assefa Maru spoke on his part about the objectives, tasks and missions of the force. In his speech, he explained the importance of an armed force and resistance to remove the TPLF from power and pave the way for a democratic and an all-inclusive political system in Ethiopia. He underscored the commitment of the force to achieve its goal and necessity of offering help and support to the force.

The audience learnt from the two guests that Ginbot 7 Popular Force is established by freedom-loving Ethiopians, including youngsters and intellectuals and it is working to remove TPLF by force and to create a peaceful transition period enabling establishment of non-partisan and constitutional defense, police, security, judiciary, etc. which are crucial for a healthy playground for different political parties aspiring power in the country. Among the current G7PF members are many intellectuals who joined this force abandoning their relatively comfortable living, families and professional jobs. This is one of the peculiarities of the G7PF compared to traditional armed struggles in Ethiopia where mainly farmers and other non-intellectuals comprise the main components of the foot soldiers. Presence of skillful leadership on the ground is told to highly assist G7PF members equip not only with armament but also with political, social, cultural knowledge about Ethiopia which is important to build a force that understands why and whom they are fighting for and paying sacrifices.

Food and refreshments were served during the event. Ethiopian music and live performances were staged to make the event entertaining and enjoyable. A short drama showing the atrocities of the TPLF regime in Ethiopia, written by w/t Mihret Ashine, was also presented.

The latter parts of the event were devoted to auctions meant for raising money as planned. The inspiration and enthusiasm of auction hosts, Ato Million Abebe and Ato Amsal Kasie, was the driving force for the high sum of money raised during the auction. The financial contributions of the participants and others, including attendants of the Ethiopian Current Affairs Discussion Forum (ECADF) were high and laudable.

The successful staging of the event was made possible through the cooperation and contributions of the participants as a whole. This event demonstrated what Ethiopians in the diaspora can achieve through cooperation and working together for a common goal.

The fundraising taskforce and DCESON extend their heartfelt thanks and appreciation to all the participants, contributors and huge thanks to all Ethiopians from all over Norway.

Ginbot 7 Popular Force fundraising taskforce in Norway

October 22, 2013

To what threats are Ethiopian refugees and dissidents in Norway exposed to?

By Samson Seifu, 2nd November 2012

Arrest of a Sudanese Refugee Spy: a defining historic moment

The Police Security Service (PSS) locally known as PST has arrested a Sudanese man accusing him of refugee espionage in Norway. PST said the man, on several occasions, secretly collected information about Sudanese in Norway, and sent the information to the authorities in Sudan. Among his own countrymen, he has been considered to be a refugee, but PST believes he has always spied on them.

A number of Ethiopians in Trondheim, Norway have also claimed to have been approached and spiedby the accused spy according to adressavisen.no.

According to PST this is the first arrest for refugee espionage in Norway since the 1970s. and the man is charged under Norwegian Penal Code 91a.

PST’s definition of refugee espionage in Norway

PST’s definition of refugee espionage is a foreign intelligence activities directed against foreigners in Norway. The aim of this type of activity is to undermine, neutralize or eliminate political opposition through monitoring, controlling, and threatening dissidents in exile in different ways. Several countries are spying on their own citizens who traveled to Norway, and among others Eritrea and Ethiopia are in the police spotlight.

The Ethiopian Refugee Espionage in Norway: Both systematic and comprehensive

Rune Berglund Steen is a communications officer at the Anti-Racist Center in Norway and author of the book ‘’ The Black Book of Norwegian Asylum Policy’’. Rune Berglund Steen has also worked on the Ethiopian spying in Norway issue for many years.

According to Rune Steen, representatives of the Ethiopian dictatorship run a systematic monitoring of Ethiopian refugees in Norway. At least 50 Ethiopians in Norway have experienced direct threats from the so-called refugee spies since 2005, according to Steen.

Based on the information he has collected since 2004/2005, it appears that the Ethiopian refugee espionage is both systematic and comprehensive. It is simply shameless and extensive, says Berglund Steen to Nrk.no (Norwegian National Media). He says the spies must be punished, this has been going fairly overtly long and that regime loyal Ethiopians allow themselves this because it has not been linked with consequences for them here in Norway. This must change, says Steen. Activities such as this must simply get consequences. It must be shown that one can’t with impunity behave like a dictator’s thugs on Norwegian soil. It should be a basis for several criminal cases against them here in Norway, says Berglund Steen.

It is also understood that some who have been granted stay permit based on false information, are regime loyal who have cheated to be opposition, and that when they get stay permit continue their works for the regime. If this is the case, it is an obvious ground for withdrawing their stay permits, he adds.

To what threats are Ethiopian refugees and dissidents in Norway exposed to?

Threats can be about what will happen when they return to Ethiopia, or it may be directed toward family members in Ethiopia, including death threats, says Steen. The spies, according to Steen, are active with taking pictures of peoples taking part in demonstrations and threatening of oppositions on the street, via e-mail and anonymous phones. There are also attempts at infiltration of opposition groups and parties. Dissidents have told Rune Steen that they suspect hacking. In several cases, it has also lead to street fighting, for example, when the opposition was trying to stop taking of photographs of demonstrations.

Former guerrilla soldiers

According to Berglund Steen, the Ethiopian dictatorship maintains power through systematic persecution of dissidents in Ethiopia and this systematic persecution is also set in the system beyond Ethiopia’s borders. Several documents which have been leaked from Ethiopian embassies show this, says Steen.

Several of those who have central position in monitoring in Norway have background as guerrilla soldiers at the time the current Ethiopian regime was still a guerrilla movement.

This is all about ensuring that the ethnic group that controls the country to retain power. Since this group – Tigreans constitute only about 6 percent of the population, and this is only possible through systematic oppression. Control in Ethiopia is extensive, where the regime has generally very good control. The regime seems concerned, therefore, is what kind of resistance that may emerge, he concludes.

Woyanne -TPLF informants in Norway cry foul: my conclusive perspective

TPLF’s cyber propaganda Medias like ‘’aigaforum.com’’, ‘’abesha.no’’ and ‘’Tigray tegaru paltalk rom’’ were crying foul attempting to divert the current important and promising issue which the Norwegian Police Security Service (PST) is taking seriously.

The renowned Ethiopian refugee cases expert Mr. Rune Berglund Steen has excellently elaborated the issue. On the contrary the Woyanne-TPLF informants called the commentaries by Mr. Steen ‘’a recipe for genocide’’ in their discussion forum as well as in their articles posted on aigaforum.com and abesha.no websites. In fact, Mr. Steen’s mention of the ‘’Tigrean People’’ in his commentaries is to make clear to the Norwegian public and authorities that the Tigrean people which the liberation movement TPLF claims to have liberated and assumed power constitute only 6% of the Ethiopian people.

One may not be surprised given their background as the informants of the TPLF regime if they try to turn and twist the genuine claim by hundreds of Ethiopian refugees in Norway by trying to link it as they claim with ‘’genocide incitement’’. They know to the bottom of their hearts that the issue at hand actually refers to them and that is why they cry foul.

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Ethiopia: Political Detainees Tortured

                                                     

Police Abuse Journalists, Opponents to Extract Confessions

(Nairobi) – Ethiopian authorities have subjected political detainees to torture and other ill-treatment at the main detention center in Addis Ababa. The Ethiopian government should take urgent steps to curb illegal practices in the Federal Police Crime Investigation Sector, known as Maekelawi, impartially investigate allegations of abuse, and hold those responsible to account.

The 70-page report, “‘They Want a Confession’: Torture and Ill-Treatment in Ethiopia’s Maekelawi Police Station,” documents serious human rights abuses, unlawful interrogation tactics, and poor detention conditions in Maekelawi since 2010. Those detained in Maekelawi include scores of opposition politicians, journalists, protest organizers, and alleged supporters of ethnic insurgencies. Human Rights Watch interviewed more than 35 former Maekelawi detainees and their relatives who described how officials had denied their basic needs, tortured, and otherwise mistreated them to extract information and confessions, and refused them access to legal counsel and their relatives.

“Ethiopian authorities right in the heart of the capital regularly use abuse to gather information,” said Leslie Lefkow, deputy Africa director. “Beatings, torture, and coerced confessions are no way to deal with journalists or the political opposition.”

Since the disputed elections of 2005, Ethiopia has intensified its clampdown on peaceful dissent. Arbitrary arrest and political prosecutions, including under the country’s restrictive anti-terrorism law, have frequently been used against perceived opponents of the government who have been detained and interrogated at Maekelawi.

Maekelawi officials, primarily police investigators, have used various methods of torture and ill-treatment against those in their custody. Former detainees described to Human Rights Watch being slapped, kicked, and beaten with various objects, including sticks and gun butts, primarily during interrogations. Detainees also described being held in painful stress positions for hours upon end, hung from the wall by their wrists, often while being beaten.

A student from Oromiya described being shackled for several months in solitary confinement: “When I wanted to stand up it was hard: I had to use my head, legs, and the walls to stand up. I was still chained when I was eating. They would chain my hands in front of me while I ate and then chain them behind me again afterward.”

Detention conditions in Maekelawi’s four primary detention blocks are poor but vary considerably. In the worst block, known as “Chalama Bet” (dark house in Amharic), former detainees said their access to daylight and to a toilet were severely restricted, and some were held in solitary confinement. Those in “Tawla Bet” (wooden house) complained of limited access to the courtyard outside their cells and flea infestations. Investigators use access to basic needs and facilities to punish or reward detainees for their compliance with their demands, including by transferring them between blocks. Short of release, many yearn to be transferred to the block known as “Sheraton,” named for the international hotel, where movement is freer.

Detainees held in Chalama Bet and Tawla Bet were routinely denied access to their lawyers and relatives, particularly in the initial phase of detention. Several family members told Human Rights Watch that they had visited Maekelawi daily but that officials denied them access to their detained relative until the lengthy investigation phase was over. The absence of a lawyer during interrogations increases the likelihood of abuse, and limits the chances for documenting abuse and obtaining redress.

“Cutting detainees off from their lawyers and relatives not only heightens the risk of abuse but creates enormous pressure to comply with the investigators’ demands,” Lefkow said. “Those in custody in Maekelawi need lawyers at their interrogations and access to their relatives, and should be promptly charged before a judge.”

Human Rights Watch found that investigators used coercive methods, including beatings and threats of violence, to compel detainees to sign statements and confessions. These statements have sometimes been used to exert pressure on people to work with the authorities after they are released, or used as evidence in court.

Martin Schibbye, a Swedish journalist held in Maekelawi in 2011, described the pressure used to extract confessions: “For most people in Maekelawi, they keep them until they give up and confess, you can spend three weeks with no interviews, it’s just waiting for a confession, it’s all built around confession. Police say it will be sorted in court, but nothing will be sorted out in court.”

Detainees have limited channels for redress for ill-treatment.  Ethiopia’s courts lack independence, particularly in politically sensitive cases. Despite numerous allegations of abuse by defendants, including people held under the anti-terrorism law, the courts have taken inadequate steps to investigate these allegations or to protect defendants complaining of mistreatment from reprisals.

The courts should be more proactive in responding to complaints of mistreatment, but that can happen only if the government allows the courts to act independently and respects their decisions, Human Rights Watch said.

Ethiopia has severely restricted independent human rights investigation and reporting in recent years, hampering monitoring of detention conditions in Maekelawi. The governmental Ethiopian Human Rights Commission has visited Maekelawi three times since 2010 and publicly raised concerns about incommunicado detention. However, former detainees told Human Rights Watch that Maekelawi officials were present during those visits, preventing them from talking with commission members privately, and questioned their impact.

Improved human rights monitoring in Maekelawi and other detention facilities requires revision of two repressive laws, the Charities and Societies Proclamation and the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation. These laws have significantly reduced independent human rights monitoring and removed basic legal safeguards against torture and ill-treatment in detention.

Ethiopia’s constitution and international legal commitments require officials to protect all detainees from mistreatment, and the Ethiopian authorities at all levels have a responsibility both to end abusive practices and to prosecute those responsible. While the Ethiopian government has developed a three-year human rights action plan that acknowledges the need to improve the treatment of detainees, the plan does not address physical abuse and torture; it focuses on capacity building rather than on the concrete political action needed to end the routine abuse.

“More funds and capacity building alone will not end the widespread mistreatment in Maekelawi and other Ethiopian detention centers,” Lefkow said. “Real change demands action from the highest levels of government against all those responsible to root out the underlying culture of impunity.”

Stand up 4 the right

October 20 , 2013

Ethiopians Who Fall Prey to Human Traffickers on Rise as Government of Ethiopia Cracks Down on Freedom

Refugee-sending countries in Africa, what are the conditions that compel Ethiopians to take such life-threatening risks? Are there humane and sustainable solutions for receiving countries beyond simply coping? Is it time toAs Europe struggles to respond to the growing number of African migrants, root causes should not be ignored. In the case of Ethiopia, one of the largest r examine how one’s own policies may either deter or contribute to root problems?


Thank you for inviting me to speak on this important but difficult topic. I will be giving an overview of the current conditions in Ethiopia; particularly in light of the overwhelming influx of refugees into Europe. African migration to Europe has become an overwhelming challenge on the continent as efforts to democratize Africa continue to fail in most places. Ethiopia is an example. There are no easy answers, but understanding is always the foundation for the best solutions.


Many of us feel especially touched by this topic after the recent tragic shipwreck off the coast of the Italian island of Lampedusa, where 500 people, mostly African migrants, were crowded onto an unsafe boat, which eventually lost power, caught on fire and sunk. Only 155 people were saved. The display of their coffins has left heart-wrenching images in our minds. Only four days prior to this, 13 other African migrants drowned off the coast of Sicily. These are only the ones we know about. Most of the victims were reported to be Eritreans and Somalis—two countries of immense suffering; however, Ethiopians were also among the dead and were also possibly underreported due to the practice of Ethiopians taking on Eritrean nationality as a short-cut to being accepted for asylum. 


To outsiders, these people are undocumented African migrants, but to us, they are our family members and neighbors. To their families, each has a name, an age and a story behind them. The pain we are feeling as fellow humans when seeing these coffins, especially the small white ones holding young children, is heart-rending; imagine how difficult it will be to the deceased’s loved ones?
U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees Antonio Guterres surely felt it as he praised the rescue of those who survived the incident at Lampedusa, but decried the “rising global phenomenon of migrants and people fleeing conflict or persecution and perishing at sea.”[1] Some 15,000 migrants enter Italy every year, but this year some put that count much higher.


Italy, as a common country of entry, has pressed the European Union for more 
help[2] in dealing with the huge influx of mostly African migrants, saying it’s a crisis that concerns the entire 28-nation bloc. However, refugees from Ethiopia, Eritrea and Somalia are fleeing not only to Europe but also to other parts of Africa, the Middle East[3], North America, Asia and beyond.

Many of those fleeing their countries use the services of human traffickers. These traffickers can make exorbitant profits while disregarding the lives and well being of those in their care. Human trafficking has become a global problem. In Europe, the reality of the dangers involved in the journeys of these refugees is hard to conceive. In the troubled region of East Africa, the numbers and movements of people are overwhelming.


A recent news account tells us of an Ethiopian political dissident who paid a human trafficker over $3000 (USD) to take him and others to South Africa.  He reports that most of them were crammed in the back of a truck where they were hidden under wood, sixteen died. Others died when left for five days in the bush with no food or water. While in the bush, he learned of other Ethiopians using another trafficker who loaded them on a boat to cross Lake Malawi. It capsized and 47 of them died. He heard of another truck where Ethiopians also were packed in the back of a truck; 42 of them suffocated to death. The driver dumped the dead bodies on the side of the road along with 85 survivors and drove off. 


The UN refugee agency announced on October 6 that some 107,500 African refugees and migrants made the perilous sea journey from the Horn of Africa to Yemen in 2012, arriving in smuggler’s boats.  It was the largest such influx since UNHCR began compiling these statistics in 2006. Some 84,000, or more than 80 per cent, of the arrivals were Ethiopian nationals, some en route to states in the Persian Gulf.


In Saudi Arabia, refugees and Ethiopians, desperate for work, have become a casualty of the great hardship many of them have faced there. Regular reports tell us of suicides, beatings, sexual abuse, working as slave laborers and of murder, both of Ethiopians and by some. One report indicates that90% of those hospitalized for mental illness in Saudi Arabia are Ethiopian women.


The question I will attempt to answer today is: what accounts for this stream of such great numbers of people? What makes people take such perilous journeys where so many die along the way? Are they simply economic refugees seeking a better life or do they have legitimate claims for asylum? What is the Ethiopia of today like that Ethiopia has become a major sending country of its people to destinations all over the world?


One of the US policy makers recently told me that we must do something about Ethiopia because it is the number one exporter of human beings. The Ethiopian government’s claims of double-digit growth seem to have little effect on reducing the numbers of people undertaking great risks to leave their homes and families behind. Many die on the way or languish incountries hostile to them or where they are not welcome.[8]  Why? 



For European countries like Switzerland, how can you respond to these people in a way that maintains your integrity, compassion and view on the dignity of all human beings? As the home of the United Nations, you are a pivotal country in influencing a humane response, yet, as a small country, the needs of these refugees, multiplied by their increasing numbers, calls for a more comprehensive solution that goes beyond your own borders to other countries affected by the same.


Simply said, the problem of the Ethiopian refugee started in Ethiopia and will not change, but only get worse, unless we focus on solutions to its root causes and to those factors which are either obstacles or facilitators to change. The fact that many European countries are trying to cope with the same problem, calls for a more coordinated and comprehensive European-based approach, which could actually positively impact this situation.


I will attempt to summarize a very complex issue in the short time we have today, hoping it will contribute towards the search for ways to not only deal with the refugees in our midst but also to the alleviation of the suffering of Ethiopians living under a repressive government. This is central to the mission of the Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia (SMNE) of which I am the executive director. We are a social justice movement of diverse Ethiopians seeking to advance truth, freedom, justice, equality, respect for human rights and prosperity in Ethiopia.


We strongly contend that the future well being of our global society rests in the hands of those among us who can put “humanity before ethnicity,” religion or any other distinctions that divide and dehumanize other human beings from ourselves; inspiring us to care about these “others”; not only because of the intrinsic God-given value of each life, but also because “none of us is free until all are free.” We are having this meeting here in Switzerland today because Ethiopia is not free.


 Current State of Political rights and Civil Liberties in Ethiopia:


In Freedom House’s 2013 Index of Freedom, Ethiopia’s rating is “NOT FREE,” the same rating it has earned in the last three years.[9] Another part of that study was Freedom of the Net. Out of the sixty countries in the study that earned a lower score in terms of Freedom on the Net than Ethiopia were Syria, China (PRC), Cuba and Iran. This should speak for itself. A quick comparison of political and civil rights between Switzerland and Ethiopia reveals vast differences, with the higher scores being desirable:
Political rights: Ethiopia       
            

In terms of their study on Freedom of the Press, Ethiopia, again considered “not free,” was near to the bottom at position 44 out of a total of 49 Sub-Saharan African countries and 175 out of 197 countries worldwide[11.

 The Committee to Protect Journalists reports that 79 journalists have been exiled, more than any other nation. Most notable are Eskinder Nega, Reeyot Alemu, and others who have been targeted through the use of draconian laws meant to silence the most courageous voices of freedom.  Two of these laws bear mentioning:
Anti-terrorism Proclamation (2009): In 2012, Eskinder Nega, Reeyot Alemu—both nominated for the Sakharov prize in the European Parliament—as well as numbers of others were sentences to years in prison, being accused of terrorism; anyone who speaks out against the government can be charged with this crime and sentenced to years in prison.


Charities and Societies Proclamation: This law restricts civil society by making it illegal for organizations receiving more than 10% of its funding from foreign sources to advocate for human rights, child’s rights, rights for the disabled, women’s rights, conflict resolution between religious groups or ethnicities and other legitimate roles carried out by such non-governmental organizations and institutions. The law has closed down the work of more than 2,600 civic organizations and in their place have risen pro-government look-alike organizations.

Ethiopia’s Current Governance Post-Meles



Despite the death of the former prime minister of Ethiopia, Meles Zenawi, whose death was officially announced in August 2012, little has changed for the people of Ethiopia. His successor, Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn, now has taken Meles’ place but was never part of the ethnic-based Tigrayan Peoples’ Liberation Front (TPLF) that has ruled the country for over twenty years under the guise of the multi-party, Ethiopian Peoples’ Democratic Front (EPRDF). He appears to have little control over the party and what happens in Ethiopia; instead, the power remains in the hands of some in the central committee.



The entire system of dictatorship was set into place by Meles before he died and has not been dismantled at his death. He fathered an increasingly authoritarian government following the more open election of 2005 when the opposition nearly succeeded in challenging the status quo. Two million Ethiopians came out in protest of a flawed election, protestors were shot and killed, opposition leaders were jailed and in the years preceding the 2010 national election, the regime heavily cracked down on dissent, the media, journalists, political groups, and civic institutions. Reports from Human Rights Watch give evidence of the misuse of aid money to gain support for the government during the election. The TPLF/EPRDF won by 99.6% of the votes—or so they claimed.


Since the new prime minister was appointed, many were hoping for some reforms or at least hints of change; however, most people now agree that he has no power to enact such changes even if he wanted to do so. The goal of the central committee is clearly to continue to hold power by any means.
PM Hailemariam and the TPLF/EPRDF will face elections in 2015, but few expect there to be an opening up of political space, as the ruling party has demonstrated that it seeks self-survival above all else. However, new pressures may test them.


Peaceful protests by Muslims, UDJ and Blue Party a highligth


On the positive side, since Meles’ death, a highlight has been the peaceful rallies organized by several groups. One of those groups has been the Muslim religious community which has been peacefully rallying mostly within their own compound for over a year now. They have been demanding freedom from government interference in their internal religious affairs. Numbers of people, including some of the organizers, were arrested and beaten despite the peaceful way it was conducted and its legitimate claims. It should be understood, in Ethiopia, Muslims, Christians, Jews and others have a long history of living together peacefully; however, the regime is actively propagating a negative image of our Ethiopian Muslims in order to sway opinion. The Muslims are not alone in facing government interference in religious matters for the regime has done the same in the Ethiopian Orthodox Church, dividing the church in two. 



Another rally, held in June by members of the Blue Party was the first of its kind since the post-election rally of 2005 and unexpectedly drew thousands of diverse people. A second rally planned in late September was sabotaged by regime officials when they planned another staged rally at the same time and closed off the streets.


Just a week ago another rally was held by Unity for Democracy and Justice (UDJ), also known as Andinet, where some were detained simply for exercising their constitutional rights. Former Ethiopian President Negussa Gidada was an organizer. When others were detained, he openly took responsibility and was also detained but later released. These developments have come amidst the confusion or readjustment following Meles’ death, which some see as a sign of hope, however small.


However, just this week, Prime Minister Hailemariam stated publically that they now had proof that protest organizers were linked to terrorist groups operating in the country, a ploy used repeatedly in the past to vilify the opposition, particularly by claiming they are terrorists. In fact, this TPLF regime has committed its own terrorism in the country, not only in the last years of significant human rights abuses, but also when they were still fighting in the bush for power.At the time, the U.S. State Department had classified the TPLF as a Marxist-Leninist terrorist group before they overthrew the communist regime of Mengistu in 1991.


The opposition leaders at Ethiopia are doing their best but have not yet achieved the large public response necessary to gain enough leverage to press for change or to develop into a real alternative to the TPLF/EPRDF party. A primary reason is the government’s obstruction of any political space. Because of this, the future direction of the country remains unclear with no meaningful signs of reform.


Regime’s monopoly and corrupt practices exclude majority from gains



The economic future remains very grim for Ethiopians. Although the government under Meles claimed double-digit economic growth—though some question the reliability of the data—and despite economic forecasts that still anticipate 7% growth in the economy, little of this is trickling down to the majority. Instead, the gap between the rich and the poor is expanding as many are forcibly excluded from participating in the economy unless they become party members.



Many of the young are unemployed, even if educated. Advancement is not based on competence but on affiliations. TPLF insiders and their cronies enjoy most the opportunities for economic gain. In fact, many Ethiopians are worse off, especially some of the poorest within the country whose indigenous land is being taken away, leaving them landless, hungry, displaced, and without a means of livelihood. Many of these have left the country or are internally displaced.


Economic growth is now associated with a dramatic rise in corruption. Those in power have achieved great wealth through its monopoly of all sectors of society, including regional and local governments, tax perks, the judiciary, the media, the press, the military, telecommunications, the financial system, land administration, institutions and every facet of society. Opportunities related to education, private sector and government jobs, business permits and deals, government contracts, loans and credit and other perks are closely associated with being a government crony.  


A study by the task force for Global Financial Integrity (GFI) for the year 2009 found evidence of a huge rise in financial corruption, money laundering, mispricing and illicit financial practices in Ethiopia leading to 3.26 billion (USD) leaving the country in that one year. They report the country lost a total of 11.7 billion (USD) from the year 2000 to 2009. Impunity against criminal charges exists for the well-connected people and government officials but corruption charges, legitimate or manufactured, can be used as punitive measures against the non-compliant or political enemies.


Under the current system, a small group of power-holders have been able to exploit the country’s national treasury, national assets and national resources such as its agricultural land, abundant water and minerals like gold as long as they were loyal to Meles and the party. In his absence, that impunity may not last as internal power struggles have caused splits within the cabinet.
One of those most affected by these power shifts is Meles’ widow, Azeb Mesfin, who allegedly was recently accused of corruption. 


 She used to wield power while Meles was alive, even heading up the huge TPLF business conglomerate, EFFORT, which accounts for close to half of the economy; however, all of this is changing. In May 2013, a government crackdown on corruption led to the arrest of 50 prominent people.Some believe it is a theatrical maneuver by the regime to appear to be dealing with endemic corruption, but it also might be a way to target this major political opponent, Azeb Mesfin and her camp of supporters. No one is certain what the final outcome will be but few expect the economy to open up to others.


Serial and widespread human rights violations:


I would not be speaking to you today if it were not for the 2003 massacre and subsequent ongoing egregious human rights abuses of people of my own ethnicity by TPLF/ERPDF regime forces, which led me to this advocacy work, later expanding to a national movement. Human rights investigations revealed that plans, Operation Sunny Mountain, were initiated at the top offices in the country and carried out in a dark corner of Ethiopia where they thought no one would see or care. It was related to the exploitation of oil resources on indigenous Anuak land. Those wells were dry but two thousand Anuak lost their lives.


Now, the indigenous land of the people of Gambella is being leased to foreign investors and regime cronies under secretive deals that fail to benefit the people. Investigations by the Oakland Instituteand Human Rights Watch reveal that 70,000 people have been forcibly evicted from their land, contrary to international laws protecting indigenous land and prohibiting the deportation of a people group. Those who refused were threatened, beaten, arrested, raped and some were killed.


Evidence has emerged from investigations that donor aid monies were used in the forced resettlement of these people– called villagization—as people were moved to areas where services were absent, where land was inferior and un-cleared of trees, and where access to clean water was more difficult. People often ended up living under trees until they built their own huts from foraged materials. Hunger, sickness and hardship prevailed. 


An appeal by some of those affected by the displacement in Gambella, where World Bank funds were misused, and another case involving grave human rights abuses where development monies from the UK were misused in the process, have resulted in a World Bank investigation and a lawsuit against the UK’s international development department, DFID. Warnings and reports of the misuse of funds had been given to the World Bank and DFID, but allegedly had been ignored.


Resource grabs and human rights atrocities have gone hand in hand in Ethiopia. Rampant human rights abuses are ongoing throughout every region of the country, like in the Omo Valley, Oromia, Afar and the Ogaden. Those who protest for their legitimate rights or against the exploitation face the greatest threats. 


                                           Desperate to Leave


Ethiopia is one of the largest recipients of development aid in Africa,[14] with donors including many of the free countries of the West.  The TPLF/ERPDF ethnic-based government of Ethiopia speaks the rhetoric of democracy and human rights and associates with western leaders at places like the G-20; however, the country remains one of the poorest and among the most repressive in the world.


Oppression and poverty, when combined with the lack of opportunity or hope, causes tens of thousands of Ethiopians to leave the country. Additionally, the results of the Global Slavery Index 2013[15] show that Ethiopia ranks as the fifth worst out of the ten countries in the world that account for three-quarters of people subjected to human slavery.


Countries where these Ethiopians are seeking asylum fail to understand or admit the dire conditions and threat of harm these refugees face due to this repressive government. Authorities may embrace the democratic double-talk advanced by the TPLF/ERPDF, convincing them that Ethiopia is stable—not like Eritrea or Somalia—but it is not true. However, the result has been that Ethiopians are treated differently and with less concern. People should not be fooled by the government’s claims and assurances, for if it were true, there would not be such a flood of Ethiopians leaving the country for other places.



Are there solutions?


The solution of the refugee problem must rest in the hands of the Ethiopian people, their leaders and political groups.  Having said this, others can also play a supporting role, especially those countries who are dealing with the impact of Ethiopian migrants. These countries can become part of the solution. The world learned of the 500 people seeking refuge only after most of them drowned. Had they succeeded, they would have been on your doorstep, seeking asylum. Avoiding the problem will not stop the tragedies or the influx of desperate people.


 The lasting solution is to have a country with a good government, one that cares for its people and where its people can flourish.
Each donor country or those who have concerns for the refugees have a stake in this. In the case of Ethiopia, please listen to what political prisoner Eskinder Nega[16] writes in a recent letter from his prison cell in Ethiopia where he says:
European aid has transformed my country’s economy but also props up one-party rule. Let EU donors give us democracy… The theatrical blustering of the Ethiopian government, notwithstanding donor countries have a make-or-break power over Ethiopia’s prosperity. And European aid has done wonderful things in Ethiopia. But an aid policy tied only to economic and social needs is only half complete; a comprehensive approach entails a linkage with politics.


Aid should also strengthen democratic institutions. Here is where European donors’ policy falters dramatically. The unintended consequence of indifference to democratic accountability translates into the subsidy and reinforcement of tyranny. The time for reassessment has come. After two decades of one-party rule, Ethiopia is visibly aching for change. Even the traditionally placid Sufi Muslim community is increasingly restless. There is clear danger of communal strife.



As a prisoner of conscience committed to peaceful transition to democracy, I urge Europe to apply economic sanctions against Ethiopia. What short-term pain may result will be compensated by long-term gain. A pledge to re-engage energetically with a democratic Ethiopia would act as a catalyst for reform. Sanctions need to be targeted – and the continuity of basic humanitarian aid without precondition is a moral necessity. But the EU should also impose travel bans on Ethiopian officials implicated in human rights violations.
We live in an age of global expectations. Our hopes have converged in many ways, none more so than in our democratic aspirations. The moral imperative is for Europe to align with the reform movement in Ethiopia. It is time to stand up for democracy.


We live in a world where the crisis of those outside our borders will come to us whether we like it or not like in the case of Ethiopia. Simply following the existing thinking of some in Europe to simply shut the door on these immigrants is not the solution because they will still find a way to your doorstep in their desperation. Instead, donor countries and the EU should be part of the solution by working with Ethiopians who are struggling to bring freedom and just government to the country.


A government like the TPLF/EPRDF, a one-party minority, which is structured on ethnic based politics is doomed to fail; and when it fails, the consequences flood over to other places. People believe if it is not dealt with carefully, it could explode and the crisis will overflow all the more.When ethnic-based problems got out of control in places like Rwanda, Yugoslavia or Syria, it reaches to the west. A different approach is needed.



We as a social justice group are fighting for an Ethiopian society where our shared humanity trumps any other distinctions such as ethnicity, religious view, political view or background. We believe our shared world has no boundaries and that lasting peace and justice will not come to one country, one continent, or one part of the world without its being impacted by those countries, continents, and regions where people are suffering and remain under tyranny. As we share this world together, there are things to do to help each other, not only when it is too late and it is claimed, “We did not know.” 


After the EU commissioner viewed the coffins from the Lampedusa shipwreck, it was reported that he had asked why one coffin was so large, unaware that a premature baby and his mother were buried together with the umbilical cord still connecting them. The mother had given birth to a son as she had been drowning.  The commissioner was told that when divers recovered their two bodies, the diver that had discovered the bodies of the mother and child said: “We all began to cry—my mask was full of tears.” 


How tragic that a child who had just come into the world that day had his life ended so abruptly. Human trafficking is a thriving business that exploits the desperation of millions of people. How tragic for all those who died and for the many more who will die in the future whose stories we may never know. The tragedy of these lives can only end when we work together to confront evil, starting with tyranny, human trafficking and other structural contributors to the perpetuation of the misery of so many human beings.    


May God, as our Creator, help us to realize that humanity has no superficial boundaries. The suffering, pain and loss we feel is part of the fabric of being human. When we can empathize with the pain of others, we show our shared humanity and make this world a better place for all of us.