Ethiopia: Political Detainees Tortured

                                                     

Police Abuse Journalists, Opponents to Extract Confessions

(Nairobi) – Ethiopian authorities have subjected political detainees to torture and other ill-treatment at the main detention center in Addis Ababa. The Ethiopian government should take urgent steps to curb illegal practices in the Federal Police Crime Investigation Sector, known as Maekelawi, impartially investigate allegations of abuse, and hold those responsible to account.

The 70-page report, “‘They Want a Confession’: Torture and Ill-Treatment in Ethiopia’s Maekelawi Police Station,” documents serious human rights abuses, unlawful interrogation tactics, and poor detention conditions in Maekelawi since 2010. Those detained in Maekelawi include scores of opposition politicians, journalists, protest organizers, and alleged supporters of ethnic insurgencies. Human Rights Watch interviewed more than 35 former Maekelawi detainees and their relatives who described how officials had denied their basic needs, tortured, and otherwise mistreated them to extract information and confessions, and refused them access to legal counsel and their relatives.

“Ethiopian authorities right in the heart of the capital regularly use abuse to gather information,” said Leslie Lefkow, deputy Africa director. “Beatings, torture, and coerced confessions are no way to deal with journalists or the political opposition.”

Since the disputed elections of 2005, Ethiopia has intensified its clampdown on peaceful dissent. Arbitrary arrest and political prosecutions, including under the country’s restrictive anti-terrorism law, have frequently been used against perceived opponents of the government who have been detained and interrogated at Maekelawi.

Maekelawi officials, primarily police investigators, have used various methods of torture and ill-treatment against those in their custody. Former detainees described to Human Rights Watch being slapped, kicked, and beaten with various objects, including sticks and gun butts, primarily during interrogations. Detainees also described being held in painful stress positions for hours upon end, hung from the wall by their wrists, often while being beaten.

A student from Oromiya described being shackled for several months in solitary confinement: “When I wanted to stand up it was hard: I had to use my head, legs, and the walls to stand up. I was still chained when I was eating. They would chain my hands in front of me while I ate and then chain them behind me again afterward.”

Detention conditions in Maekelawi’s four primary detention blocks are poor but vary considerably. In the worst block, known as “Chalama Bet” (dark house in Amharic), former detainees said their access to daylight and to a toilet were severely restricted, and some were held in solitary confinement. Those in “Tawla Bet” (wooden house) complained of limited access to the courtyard outside their cells and flea infestations. Investigators use access to basic needs and facilities to punish or reward detainees for their compliance with their demands, including by transferring them between blocks. Short of release, many yearn to be transferred to the block known as “Sheraton,” named for the international hotel, where movement is freer.

Detainees held in Chalama Bet and Tawla Bet were routinely denied access to their lawyers and relatives, particularly in the initial phase of detention. Several family members told Human Rights Watch that they had visited Maekelawi daily but that officials denied them access to their detained relative until the lengthy investigation phase was over. The absence of a lawyer during interrogations increases the likelihood of abuse, and limits the chances for documenting abuse and obtaining redress.

“Cutting detainees off from their lawyers and relatives not only heightens the risk of abuse but creates enormous pressure to comply with the investigators’ demands,” Lefkow said. “Those in custody in Maekelawi need lawyers at their interrogations and access to their relatives, and should be promptly charged before a judge.”

Human Rights Watch found that investigators used coercive methods, including beatings and threats of violence, to compel detainees to sign statements and confessions. These statements have sometimes been used to exert pressure on people to work with the authorities after they are released, or used as evidence in court.

Martin Schibbye, a Swedish journalist held in Maekelawi in 2011, described the pressure used to extract confessions: “For most people in Maekelawi, they keep them until they give up and confess, you can spend three weeks with no interviews, it’s just waiting for a confession, it’s all built around confession. Police say it will be sorted in court, but nothing will be sorted out in court.”

Detainees have limited channels for redress for ill-treatment.  Ethiopia’s courts lack independence, particularly in politically sensitive cases. Despite numerous allegations of abuse by defendants, including people held under the anti-terrorism law, the courts have taken inadequate steps to investigate these allegations or to protect defendants complaining of mistreatment from reprisals.

The courts should be more proactive in responding to complaints of mistreatment, but that can happen only if the government allows the courts to act independently and respects their decisions, Human Rights Watch said.

Ethiopia has severely restricted independent human rights investigation and reporting in recent years, hampering monitoring of detention conditions in Maekelawi. The governmental Ethiopian Human Rights Commission has visited Maekelawi three times since 2010 and publicly raised concerns about incommunicado detention. However, former detainees told Human Rights Watch that Maekelawi officials were present during those visits, preventing them from talking with commission members privately, and questioned their impact.

Improved human rights monitoring in Maekelawi and other detention facilities requires revision of two repressive laws, the Charities and Societies Proclamation and the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation. These laws have significantly reduced independent human rights monitoring and removed basic legal safeguards against torture and ill-treatment in detention.

Ethiopia’s constitution and international legal commitments require officials to protect all detainees from mistreatment, and the Ethiopian authorities at all levels have a responsibility both to end abusive practices and to prosecute those responsible. While the Ethiopian government has developed a three-year human rights action plan that acknowledges the need to improve the treatment of detainees, the plan does not address physical abuse and torture; it focuses on capacity building rather than on the concrete political action needed to end the routine abuse.

“More funds and capacity building alone will not end the widespread mistreatment in Maekelawi and other Ethiopian detention centers,” Lefkow said. “Real change demands action from the highest levels of government against all those responsible to root out the underlying culture of impunity.”

Stand up 4 the right

October 20 , 2013

Ethiopians Who Fall Prey to Human Traffickers on Rise as Government of Ethiopia Cracks Down on Freedom

Refugee-sending countries in Africa, what are the conditions that compel Ethiopians to take such life-threatening risks? Are there humane and sustainable solutions for receiving countries beyond simply coping? Is it time toAs Europe struggles to respond to the growing number of African migrants, root causes should not be ignored. In the case of Ethiopia, one of the largest r examine how one’s own policies may either deter or contribute to root problems?


Thank you for inviting me to speak on this important but difficult topic. I will be giving an overview of the current conditions in Ethiopia; particularly in light of the overwhelming influx of refugees into Europe. African migration to Europe has become an overwhelming challenge on the continent as efforts to democratize Africa continue to fail in most places. Ethiopia is an example. There are no easy answers, but understanding is always the foundation for the best solutions.


Many of us feel especially touched by this topic after the recent tragic shipwreck off the coast of the Italian island of Lampedusa, where 500 people, mostly African migrants, were crowded onto an unsafe boat, which eventually lost power, caught on fire and sunk. Only 155 people were saved. The display of their coffins has left heart-wrenching images in our minds. Only four days prior to this, 13 other African migrants drowned off the coast of Sicily. These are only the ones we know about. Most of the victims were reported to be Eritreans and Somalis—two countries of immense suffering; however, Ethiopians were also among the dead and were also possibly underreported due to the practice of Ethiopians taking on Eritrean nationality as a short-cut to being accepted for asylum. 


To outsiders, these people are undocumented African migrants, but to us, they are our family members and neighbors. To their families, each has a name, an age and a story behind them. The pain we are feeling as fellow humans when seeing these coffins, especially the small white ones holding young children, is heart-rending; imagine how difficult it will be to the deceased’s loved ones?
U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees Antonio Guterres surely felt it as he praised the rescue of those who survived the incident at Lampedusa, but decried the “rising global phenomenon of migrants and people fleeing conflict or persecution and perishing at sea.”[1] Some 15,000 migrants enter Italy every year, but this year some put that count much higher.


Italy, as a common country of entry, has pressed the European Union for more 
help[2] in dealing with the huge influx of mostly African migrants, saying it’s a crisis that concerns the entire 28-nation bloc. However, refugees from Ethiopia, Eritrea and Somalia are fleeing not only to Europe but also to other parts of Africa, the Middle East[3], North America, Asia and beyond.

Many of those fleeing their countries use the services of human traffickers. These traffickers can make exorbitant profits while disregarding the lives and well being of those in their care. Human trafficking has become a global problem. In Europe, the reality of the dangers involved in the journeys of these refugees is hard to conceive. In the troubled region of East Africa, the numbers and movements of people are overwhelming.


A recent news account tells us of an Ethiopian political dissident who paid a human trafficker over $3000 (USD) to take him and others to South Africa.  He reports that most of them were crammed in the back of a truck where they were hidden under wood, sixteen died. Others died when left for five days in the bush with no food or water. While in the bush, he learned of other Ethiopians using another trafficker who loaded them on a boat to cross Lake Malawi. It capsized and 47 of them died. He heard of another truck where Ethiopians also were packed in the back of a truck; 42 of them suffocated to death. The driver dumped the dead bodies on the side of the road along with 85 survivors and drove off. 


The UN refugee agency announced on October 6 that some 107,500 African refugees and migrants made the perilous sea journey from the Horn of Africa to Yemen in 2012, arriving in smuggler’s boats.  It was the largest such influx since UNHCR began compiling these statistics in 2006. Some 84,000, or more than 80 per cent, of the arrivals were Ethiopian nationals, some en route to states in the Persian Gulf.


In Saudi Arabia, refugees and Ethiopians, desperate for work, have become a casualty of the great hardship many of them have faced there. Regular reports tell us of suicides, beatings, sexual abuse, working as slave laborers and of murder, both of Ethiopians and by some. One report indicates that90% of those hospitalized for mental illness in Saudi Arabia are Ethiopian women.


The question I will attempt to answer today is: what accounts for this stream of such great numbers of people? What makes people take such perilous journeys where so many die along the way? Are they simply economic refugees seeking a better life or do they have legitimate claims for asylum? What is the Ethiopia of today like that Ethiopia has become a major sending country of its people to destinations all over the world?


One of the US policy makers recently told me that we must do something about Ethiopia because it is the number one exporter of human beings. The Ethiopian government’s claims of double-digit growth seem to have little effect on reducing the numbers of people undertaking great risks to leave their homes and families behind. Many die on the way or languish incountries hostile to them or where they are not welcome.[8]  Why? 



For European countries like Switzerland, how can you respond to these people in a way that maintains your integrity, compassion and view on the dignity of all human beings? As the home of the United Nations, you are a pivotal country in influencing a humane response, yet, as a small country, the needs of these refugees, multiplied by their increasing numbers, calls for a more comprehensive solution that goes beyond your own borders to other countries affected by the same.


Simply said, the problem of the Ethiopian refugee started in Ethiopia and will not change, but only get worse, unless we focus on solutions to its root causes and to those factors which are either obstacles or facilitators to change. The fact that many European countries are trying to cope with the same problem, calls for a more coordinated and comprehensive European-based approach, which could actually positively impact this situation.


I will attempt to summarize a very complex issue in the short time we have today, hoping it will contribute towards the search for ways to not only deal with the refugees in our midst but also to the alleviation of the suffering of Ethiopians living under a repressive government. This is central to the mission of the Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia (SMNE) of which I am the executive director. We are a social justice movement of diverse Ethiopians seeking to advance truth, freedom, justice, equality, respect for human rights and prosperity in Ethiopia.


We strongly contend that the future well being of our global society rests in the hands of those among us who can put “humanity before ethnicity,” religion or any other distinctions that divide and dehumanize other human beings from ourselves; inspiring us to care about these “others”; not only because of the intrinsic God-given value of each life, but also because “none of us is free until all are free.” We are having this meeting here in Switzerland today because Ethiopia is not free.


 Current State of Political rights and Civil Liberties in Ethiopia:


In Freedom House’s 2013 Index of Freedom, Ethiopia’s rating is “NOT FREE,” the same rating it has earned in the last three years.[9] Another part of that study was Freedom of the Net. Out of the sixty countries in the study that earned a lower score in terms of Freedom on the Net than Ethiopia were Syria, China (PRC), Cuba and Iran. This should speak for itself. A quick comparison of political and civil rights between Switzerland and Ethiopia reveals vast differences, with the higher scores being desirable:
Political rights: Ethiopia       
            

In terms of their study on Freedom of the Press, Ethiopia, again considered “not free,” was near to the bottom at position 44 out of a total of 49 Sub-Saharan African countries and 175 out of 197 countries worldwide[11.

 The Committee to Protect Journalists reports that 79 journalists have been exiled, more than any other nation. Most notable are Eskinder Nega, Reeyot Alemu, and others who have been targeted through the use of draconian laws meant to silence the most courageous voices of freedom.  Two of these laws bear mentioning:
Anti-terrorism Proclamation (2009): In 2012, Eskinder Nega, Reeyot Alemu—both nominated for the Sakharov prize in the European Parliament—as well as numbers of others were sentences to years in prison, being accused of terrorism; anyone who speaks out against the government can be charged with this crime and sentenced to years in prison.


Charities and Societies Proclamation: This law restricts civil society by making it illegal for organizations receiving more than 10% of its funding from foreign sources to advocate for human rights, child’s rights, rights for the disabled, women’s rights, conflict resolution between religious groups or ethnicities and other legitimate roles carried out by such non-governmental organizations and institutions. The law has closed down the work of more than 2,600 civic organizations and in their place have risen pro-government look-alike organizations.

Ethiopia’s Current Governance Post-Meles



Despite the death of the former prime minister of Ethiopia, Meles Zenawi, whose death was officially announced in August 2012, little has changed for the people of Ethiopia. His successor, Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn, now has taken Meles’ place but was never part of the ethnic-based Tigrayan Peoples’ Liberation Front (TPLF) that has ruled the country for over twenty years under the guise of the multi-party, Ethiopian Peoples’ Democratic Front (EPRDF). He appears to have little control over the party and what happens in Ethiopia; instead, the power remains in the hands of some in the central committee.



The entire system of dictatorship was set into place by Meles before he died and has not been dismantled at his death. He fathered an increasingly authoritarian government following the more open election of 2005 when the opposition nearly succeeded in challenging the status quo. Two million Ethiopians came out in protest of a flawed election, protestors were shot and killed, opposition leaders were jailed and in the years preceding the 2010 national election, the regime heavily cracked down on dissent, the media, journalists, political groups, and civic institutions. Reports from Human Rights Watch give evidence of the misuse of aid money to gain support for the government during the election. The TPLF/EPRDF won by 99.6% of the votes—or so they claimed.


Since the new prime minister was appointed, many were hoping for some reforms or at least hints of change; however, most people now agree that he has no power to enact such changes even if he wanted to do so. The goal of the central committee is clearly to continue to hold power by any means.
PM Hailemariam and the TPLF/EPRDF will face elections in 2015, but few expect there to be an opening up of political space, as the ruling party has demonstrated that it seeks self-survival above all else. However, new pressures may test them.


Peaceful protests by Muslims, UDJ and Blue Party a highligth


On the positive side, since Meles’ death, a highlight has been the peaceful rallies organized by several groups. One of those groups has been the Muslim religious community which has been peacefully rallying mostly within their own compound for over a year now. They have been demanding freedom from government interference in their internal religious affairs. Numbers of people, including some of the organizers, were arrested and beaten despite the peaceful way it was conducted and its legitimate claims. It should be understood, in Ethiopia, Muslims, Christians, Jews and others have a long history of living together peacefully; however, the regime is actively propagating a negative image of our Ethiopian Muslims in order to sway opinion. The Muslims are not alone in facing government interference in religious matters for the regime has done the same in the Ethiopian Orthodox Church, dividing the church in two. 



Another rally, held in June by members of the Blue Party was the first of its kind since the post-election rally of 2005 and unexpectedly drew thousands of diverse people. A second rally planned in late September was sabotaged by regime officials when they planned another staged rally at the same time and closed off the streets.


Just a week ago another rally was held by Unity for Democracy and Justice (UDJ), also known as Andinet, where some were detained simply for exercising their constitutional rights. Former Ethiopian President Negussa Gidada was an organizer. When others were detained, he openly took responsibility and was also detained but later released. These developments have come amidst the confusion or readjustment following Meles’ death, which some see as a sign of hope, however small.


However, just this week, Prime Minister Hailemariam stated publically that they now had proof that protest organizers were linked to terrorist groups operating in the country, a ploy used repeatedly in the past to vilify the opposition, particularly by claiming they are terrorists. In fact, this TPLF regime has committed its own terrorism in the country, not only in the last years of significant human rights abuses, but also when they were still fighting in the bush for power.At the time, the U.S. State Department had classified the TPLF as a Marxist-Leninist terrorist group before they overthrew the communist regime of Mengistu in 1991.


The opposition leaders at Ethiopia are doing their best but have not yet achieved the large public response necessary to gain enough leverage to press for change or to develop into a real alternative to the TPLF/EPRDF party. A primary reason is the government’s obstruction of any political space. Because of this, the future direction of the country remains unclear with no meaningful signs of reform.


Regime’s monopoly and corrupt practices exclude majority from gains



The economic future remains very grim for Ethiopians. Although the government under Meles claimed double-digit economic growth—though some question the reliability of the data—and despite economic forecasts that still anticipate 7% growth in the economy, little of this is trickling down to the majority. Instead, the gap between the rich and the poor is expanding as many are forcibly excluded from participating in the economy unless they become party members.



Many of the young are unemployed, even if educated. Advancement is not based on competence but on affiliations. TPLF insiders and their cronies enjoy most the opportunities for economic gain. In fact, many Ethiopians are worse off, especially some of the poorest within the country whose indigenous land is being taken away, leaving them landless, hungry, displaced, and without a means of livelihood. Many of these have left the country or are internally displaced.


Economic growth is now associated with a dramatic rise in corruption. Those in power have achieved great wealth through its monopoly of all sectors of society, including regional and local governments, tax perks, the judiciary, the media, the press, the military, telecommunications, the financial system, land administration, institutions and every facet of society. Opportunities related to education, private sector and government jobs, business permits and deals, government contracts, loans and credit and other perks are closely associated with being a government crony.  


A study by the task force for Global Financial Integrity (GFI) for the year 2009 found evidence of a huge rise in financial corruption, money laundering, mispricing and illicit financial practices in Ethiopia leading to 3.26 billion (USD) leaving the country in that one year. They report the country lost a total of 11.7 billion (USD) from the year 2000 to 2009. Impunity against criminal charges exists for the well-connected people and government officials but corruption charges, legitimate or manufactured, can be used as punitive measures against the non-compliant or political enemies.


Under the current system, a small group of power-holders have been able to exploit the country’s national treasury, national assets and national resources such as its agricultural land, abundant water and minerals like gold as long as they were loyal to Meles and the party. In his absence, that impunity may not last as internal power struggles have caused splits within the cabinet.
One of those most affected by these power shifts is Meles’ widow, Azeb Mesfin, who allegedly was recently accused of corruption. 


 She used to wield power while Meles was alive, even heading up the huge TPLF business conglomerate, EFFORT, which accounts for close to half of the economy; however, all of this is changing. In May 2013, a government crackdown on corruption led to the arrest of 50 prominent people.Some believe it is a theatrical maneuver by the regime to appear to be dealing with endemic corruption, but it also might be a way to target this major political opponent, Azeb Mesfin and her camp of supporters. No one is certain what the final outcome will be but few expect the economy to open up to others.


Serial and widespread human rights violations:


I would not be speaking to you today if it were not for the 2003 massacre and subsequent ongoing egregious human rights abuses of people of my own ethnicity by TPLF/ERPDF regime forces, which led me to this advocacy work, later expanding to a national movement. Human rights investigations revealed that plans, Operation Sunny Mountain, were initiated at the top offices in the country and carried out in a dark corner of Ethiopia where they thought no one would see or care. It was related to the exploitation of oil resources on indigenous Anuak land. Those wells were dry but two thousand Anuak lost their lives.


Now, the indigenous land of the people of Gambella is being leased to foreign investors and regime cronies under secretive deals that fail to benefit the people. Investigations by the Oakland Instituteand Human Rights Watch reveal that 70,000 people have been forcibly evicted from their land, contrary to international laws protecting indigenous land and prohibiting the deportation of a people group. Those who refused were threatened, beaten, arrested, raped and some were killed.


Evidence has emerged from investigations that donor aid monies were used in the forced resettlement of these people– called villagization—as people were moved to areas where services were absent, where land was inferior and un-cleared of trees, and where access to clean water was more difficult. People often ended up living under trees until they built their own huts from foraged materials. Hunger, sickness and hardship prevailed. 


An appeal by some of those affected by the displacement in Gambella, where World Bank funds were misused, and another case involving grave human rights abuses where development monies from the UK were misused in the process, have resulted in a World Bank investigation and a lawsuit against the UK’s international development department, DFID. Warnings and reports of the misuse of funds had been given to the World Bank and DFID, but allegedly had been ignored.


Resource grabs and human rights atrocities have gone hand in hand in Ethiopia. Rampant human rights abuses are ongoing throughout every region of the country, like in the Omo Valley, Oromia, Afar and the Ogaden. Those who protest for their legitimate rights or against the exploitation face the greatest threats. 


                                           Desperate to Leave


Ethiopia is one of the largest recipients of development aid in Africa,[14] with donors including many of the free countries of the West.  The TPLF/ERPDF ethnic-based government of Ethiopia speaks the rhetoric of democracy and human rights and associates with western leaders at places like the G-20; however, the country remains one of the poorest and among the most repressive in the world.


Oppression and poverty, when combined with the lack of opportunity or hope, causes tens of thousands of Ethiopians to leave the country. Additionally, the results of the Global Slavery Index 2013[15] show that Ethiopia ranks as the fifth worst out of the ten countries in the world that account for three-quarters of people subjected to human slavery.


Countries where these Ethiopians are seeking asylum fail to understand or admit the dire conditions and threat of harm these refugees face due to this repressive government. Authorities may embrace the democratic double-talk advanced by the TPLF/ERPDF, convincing them that Ethiopia is stable—not like Eritrea or Somalia—but it is not true. However, the result has been that Ethiopians are treated differently and with less concern. People should not be fooled by the government’s claims and assurances, for if it were true, there would not be such a flood of Ethiopians leaving the country for other places.



Are there solutions?


The solution of the refugee problem must rest in the hands of the Ethiopian people, their leaders and political groups.  Having said this, others can also play a supporting role, especially those countries who are dealing with the impact of Ethiopian migrants. These countries can become part of the solution. The world learned of the 500 people seeking refuge only after most of them drowned. Had they succeeded, they would have been on your doorstep, seeking asylum. Avoiding the problem will not stop the tragedies or the influx of desperate people.


 The lasting solution is to have a country with a good government, one that cares for its people and where its people can flourish.
Each donor country or those who have concerns for the refugees have a stake in this. In the case of Ethiopia, please listen to what political prisoner Eskinder Nega[16] writes in a recent letter from his prison cell in Ethiopia where he says:
European aid has transformed my country’s economy but also props up one-party rule. Let EU donors give us democracy… The theatrical blustering of the Ethiopian government, notwithstanding donor countries have a make-or-break power over Ethiopia’s prosperity. And European aid has done wonderful things in Ethiopia. But an aid policy tied only to economic and social needs is only half complete; a comprehensive approach entails a linkage with politics.


Aid should also strengthen democratic institutions. Here is where European donors’ policy falters dramatically. The unintended consequence of indifference to democratic accountability translates into the subsidy and reinforcement of tyranny. The time for reassessment has come. After two decades of one-party rule, Ethiopia is visibly aching for change. Even the traditionally placid Sufi Muslim community is increasingly restless. There is clear danger of communal strife.



As a prisoner of conscience committed to peaceful transition to democracy, I urge Europe to apply economic sanctions against Ethiopia. What short-term pain may result will be compensated by long-term gain. A pledge to re-engage energetically with a democratic Ethiopia would act as a catalyst for reform. Sanctions need to be targeted – and the continuity of basic humanitarian aid without precondition is a moral necessity. But the EU should also impose travel bans on Ethiopian officials implicated in human rights violations.
We live in an age of global expectations. Our hopes have converged in many ways, none more so than in our democratic aspirations. The moral imperative is for Europe to align with the reform movement in Ethiopia. It is time to stand up for democracy.


We live in a world where the crisis of those outside our borders will come to us whether we like it or not like in the case of Ethiopia. Simply following the existing thinking of some in Europe to simply shut the door on these immigrants is not the solution because they will still find a way to your doorstep in their desperation. Instead, donor countries and the EU should be part of the solution by working with Ethiopians who are struggling to bring freedom and just government to the country.


A government like the TPLF/EPRDF, a one-party minority, which is structured on ethnic based politics is doomed to fail; and when it fails, the consequences flood over to other places. People believe if it is not dealt with carefully, it could explode and the crisis will overflow all the more.When ethnic-based problems got out of control in places like Rwanda, Yugoslavia or Syria, it reaches to the west. A different approach is needed.



We as a social justice group are fighting for an Ethiopian society where our shared humanity trumps any other distinctions such as ethnicity, religious view, political view or background. We believe our shared world has no boundaries and that lasting peace and justice will not come to one country, one continent, or one part of the world without its being impacted by those countries, continents, and regions where people are suffering and remain under tyranny. As we share this world together, there are things to do to help each other, not only when it is too late and it is claimed, “We did not know.” 


After the EU commissioner viewed the coffins from the Lampedusa shipwreck, it was reported that he had asked why one coffin was so large, unaware that a premature baby and his mother were buried together with the umbilical cord still connecting them. The mother had given birth to a son as she had been drowning.  The commissioner was told that when divers recovered their two bodies, the diver that had discovered the bodies of the mother and child said: “We all began to cry—my mask was full of tears.” 


How tragic that a child who had just come into the world that day had his life ended so abruptly. Human trafficking is a thriving business that exploits the desperation of millions of people. How tragic for all those who died and for the many more who will die in the future whose stories we may never know. The tragedy of these lives can only end when we work together to confront evil, starting with tyranny, human trafficking and other structural contributors to the perpetuation of the misery of so many human beings.    


May God, as our Creator, help us to realize that humanity has no superficial boundaries. The suffering, pain and loss we feel is part of the fabric of being human. When we can empathize with the pain of others, we show our shared humanity and make this world a better place for all of us.

GLOBAL CIVIC MOVEMENT FOR CHANGE IN ETHIOPIA

A Call for Unity of Action and Purpose


RECOGNIZING the inherent dignity and the equal and inalienable rights of all Ethiopians, indeed all people, regardless of ethnicity, faith, political opinion, age, gender, race or financial status, is the foundation for democracy, freedom, justice, peace and unity in Ethiopia;

NOTING with dismay that the TPLF/EPRDF government has implemented apartheid type divide and rule political programs over the past twenty years, and hence not only revoked the civil and political rights of 80 million people, but has turned the age old country into one of the sixteen failed states in the world;

NOTING with dismay that Ethiopia is at the bottom of world good governance standards, as evidenced by the World Bank, the Mo Ibrahim Foundation, the African Peer Review Mechanism and other similar ratings;

CONCERNED that the TPLF/EPRDF continues to administer sham elections; where in May 2005 it killed 193 unarmed protestors, wounded 800 innocent civilians and kept close to 50,000 pro-democracy activists in concentration camps; and in May 2010 it unashamedly claimed to have won 99.6% of the seats of the House of Peoples Representatives; 

NOTING that Ethiopia is ranked lower than all but 4 nations in Africa in human development, access to clean water, press freedom, internet use and pervasive corruption in spite of the deceptive propaganda of double digit real economic growth reported by TPLF/EPRDF;

CONCERNED that the misguided economic policy that was implemented over the last twenty years, that was characterized by crony capitalism, opaque privatization, discrimination, an unprecedented land eviction, corruption, monopolization of the economy by party owned companies; has led to employment discrimination, hyperinflation, abject rural and urban poverty and forced migration;

CONCERNED that access to higher education and employment in public enterprises and government departments are restricted to TPLF/EPRDF members, and hence violating one of the cornerstones of civil and political rights of citizens;

CONCERNED that the education system implemented during the last ten years has not been able to prepare the youth for decent higher education, innovation, self employment and entrepreneurship, thus making the future of the youth more uncertain; 

ALARMED that the perpetrators of various crimes against humanity, including but not limited to the massacres of 2005, are living with impunity, and Meles Zenawi continues to protect suspects that should most certainly face national and international justice; 

DEEPLY CONCERNED that the TPLF/EPRDF continues to deny the existence of armed conflicts and clandestine political organizations, hence the absence of national dialogue and reconciliation is exacerbating the further disintegration of the country; 

CONVINCED that ethno nationalist movements are increasingly becoming significant political and military forces in Ethiopia and time has vividly shown that TPLF’s bankrupt policy has not resolved the root causes of these movements, indicating that the reality on the ground requires a new vision for Ethiopia;

NOTING WITH INTEREST the ethno-nationalist movements’ recent effort to break the ethnic wall, we encourage members and supporters of ethno nationalist movements and all political and social forces to welcome the overture, and urge all to join a process that leads to building a critical mass and the required leadership that aims at the eventual replacement of the minority dictatorship with a transitional government;

COMPELLED to emphasize and underscore once again the need for nationalist and ethno-nationalist political and social forces to work towards the removal of the minority dictatorship with the clear understanding that the destiny of post-TPLF/EPRDF Ethiopia shall be determined by all the citizens of the age old nation, after an unfettered free and fair election;

KEENLY AWARE that TPLF/EPRDF’s misguided foreign policy, reckless diplomacy and gross incompetence in foreign policy have led to several scandalous international agreements, including but not limited to the stalled Algiers Agreement, the creation of a land locked country that is inhabited by 80 million people, the ceding of territories to the Sudan without the knowledge of the people of Ethiopia, the 1993 Egyptian-Ethiopian Water Agreement which has ended up in the rubbish bin, and the recent foolish-man’s game with the River Nile (Abbay), cannot lead to a sustained peace and development in the region; 

AWARE of the power of mass uprisings in removing age old dictatorships, including but not limited to the 1974 revolution in Ethiopia, the 1989 revolution in Eastern Europe and now in the Middle East and North Africa; 

CONSISTENT with the previous declarations of Ethiopian civic organizations, including but not limited to the CHARTER that was issued at the turn of the Ethiopian Millennium, the Chicago Resolution of the Ethiopian National Priorities Consultative Process (ENPCP), the Virginia Declaration on Good Governance, Peace and Development in Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa; the various Statements of the Solidarity Movement for New Ethiopia (SMNE), the call by the Ketet network of activists, and the recently issued 8 point demands of the Oromo National Youth Movement for Freedom and Democracy, we in the Global Civic Movement for Change in Ethiopia join the chorus in demanding the removal of the minority dictatorship from the yoke of 80 million people. We have resolved to engage in peaceful resistance to end tyranny so that a broad based transitional government is established. 

The primary functions of the transitional government are to prepare the country for an unfettered free and fair election, protect and defend the territorial integrity of the country, maintain law and order, and perform other duties of transitional nature. The civil resistance is a country wide action that will be spearheaded by the youth and supported by Ethiopians in the country and in the Diaspora. The Movement rejects all forms of violence and extremism. It advocates for democracy, equality, justice, peace and unity. It is against the TPLF/EPRDF cabal. It is not against ordinary members of the TPLF/EPRDF or indeed the Ethiopian Defense Forces. 

RECOGNIZING the incontrovertible fact that no single opposition party, be it nationalist or ethno-nationalist, on its own can successfully lead the masses into action in the present era, and fully cognizant of the truth that Ethiopians have significantly more in common than not, we urge all to clench our many fingers that are pointing at the TPLF/EPRDF cabal, and guarantee that no one ethnic group will ever again vanquish the people of Ethiopia;


NOW THEREFORE, WE have adopted the following actionable resolutions:-


1. We demand that the regime immediately stops the twenty years of continued military campaign against the people of Ethiopia. We demand that the International Red Cross (IRC) be given immediate access to all conflict areas. At present, the IRC has been kicked out of the Ogaden region. We ask for the United Nations to carry a full, independent, and unfettered investigation of both the recent UN staff killing and the mass murder of civilians in the Ogaden. We call upon the international community to continue to put pressure on the dictatorship so that international NGOs are allowed to deliver emergency aid to conflict and drought affected areas;


2. We demand the immediate and unconditional release of all political prisoners and prisoners of conscience.
 We demand that especially the Maikelawi Prison (central investigation prison) and the underground prisons and concentration camps be immediately dismantled and closed for ever, and the perpetrators of all forms of human rights abuses be brought to justice;


3. We demand that the TPLF/EPRDF security forces immediately stop harassing, imprisoning and intimidating legal opposition forces and students;

4. We call for the immediate supply of basic goods such as sugar, cooking oil and bread for the people by the government at subsidized prices while the commodity market is allowed to stabilize;


5. We demand that all the so called private properties of Zenawi’s family and their close associates be administered by a branch of government until judicial enquiry about ill gotten assets is completed;
6. We demand that all the assets of the Endowment Fund for the Rehabilitation of Tigrai (EFFORT) be divested and distributed to the rightful owners, the Ethiopian people, through privatization by an Initial Public Offering system open to all the people of Ethiopia. The management can be restructured, by hiring professional managers and the proceeds from the sale of shares can be used for financing the construction of secure and economically, environmentally and technically feasible large and small dams, as appropriate;


7. We demand that the land grab policy that is being implemented by the TPLF/EPRDF regime be immediately stopped, and that international agreements that relate to the land grab be put on hold. All evictions of rural farmers and nomads from their ancestral lands must be stopped. We demand a judicial enquiry into the circumstances, and whether there was corruption in the sale/lease of virgin lands to foreign entities at unbelievably low prices;

8. We demand that the misguided urban land policy of TPLF/EPRDF which is creating unprecedented price bubbles and excessive speculation through credit channeling, distorted interest rates and corrupt land lease, be replaced by people centered and equitable urban development policy that will make housing more affordable and accessible to Ethiopian citizens The recent demolition of houses in cities such as Hawassa and Mekele must be stopped. We demand that those who sent the Federal Police, to prevent the protest demonstrations be brought to justice;

9. Consistent with the Virginia Declaration on Good Governance, Peace and Development in Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa, and the 8 point demand of the Oromo National Youth Movement for Freedom and Democracy, We in the Global Civic Movement for Change in Ethiopia, unreservedly endorse the call for the immediate resignation of Meles Zenawi and his spouse Azeb Mesfin from all State and Party powers;


10. We demand that both chambers of parliament be immediately dissolved and the TPLF/EPRDF authored constitution be suspended. We call for the establishment of a transitional government that is constituted from Civil Society, all major ethno nationalist movements and all opposition political organizations, that works towards instituting genuine democracy, freedom and unity in Ethiopia and peace and stability in the Horn of Africa;

11. We shall struggle to make the primary work of the Transitional Government to focus on preparing the country for an unfettered free and fair election, maintain the rule of law, protect all Ethiopians, protect private and public property, and defend and protect the country’s sovereignty. We shall endeavor to influence policy so that all stakeholders of the Nile River System and other resource endowments are put to the benefit of all the people of the region. We shall advocate for peace and stability in the Horn of Africa and beyond;


12. Finally we call upon all Ethiopians to rise up in unison to end dictatorship in Ethiopia. We call upon the international community to avoid using double standards. We call upon the United Nations’ Security Council to adopt a Libyan type policy against all dictators who are killing their own people. We respectfully request the United Nations’ Secretary General to take contingency measures as the ruthless dictator’s track record shows that he is more than likely to follow his peers in Libya, Syria and Yemen by brutally suppressing popular uprising against 20 years of TPLF/EPRDF tyranny.

Beka ! Geye! Bes! Yiakel! Aloni! Ditah! Wetandem!
For more information contact: Ethiopians.say.beka@gmail.com

The following organizations have also issued statements calling for a civil resistance to bring change in Ethiopia:

Oakland Institute Exposed the Human Right Impact of “land grabbing” in Ethiopia

By Betre Yacob.

The United States-based Oakland Institute, which is known in struggling for land rights and food sovereignty of Africans, has exposed the human right impact of the land investment, which is often characterized as “land grabbing”, on indigenous communities in the Gambella Regional state, Ethiopia.

The new report of the institute says “the government of Ethiopia has not only failed to keep its promises and deliver services and infrastructure, but also has perpetrated human rights abuses in resettling indigenous communities in Gambella to allow for land investment deals to move forward.”

The report, titled “Unheard Voices”, is based on the result of an extensive work and research of the institute on the land investment in Ethiopia, and on personal testimonies of prominent Ethiopian human rights defenders. It also consists the results of Human Rights Watch (HRW) researches conducted on human rights abuses associated with Ethiopia’s villagization program.

The 15 page report says “although Ethiopian officials claim that villagization is a voluntary program, investigations reveal that the government has forcibly resettled indigenous communities from land earmarked for commercial agricultural development, rendering them food insecure and fearful for their survival.” Villagization is an official government policy that “voluntarily” resettles indigenous populations from scattered places to villages of 400-500 families, ostensibly in the name of providing infrastructure and better social services.

According to the report, the government has used fear, violence, and intimidation against indigenous communities in Gambela. Mentioning the HRW, the report says, “Police and soldiers have beaten and arrested those who question these policies, releasing them only on the condition that they support the resettlement program.”

In connection, the report also indicates that the assault and retaliation have continued even after the resettlement. Here the report explains: “Human Rights Watch reports that parents are afraid to send their children to school because of the increased army presence. Parents worry that their children will be assaulted.”

The 15 page report of the institute, which paints a more complete picture of the impact of the “land grabbing”, also asserts that the government has also failed to compensate individuals for their loss of livelihood and land. The report says, “The Oakland Institute did not find any instances of government compensation being paid to indigenous populations evicted from their lands.”

The report explains: “Under international law, forced evictions can only be carried out if they comply with specific standards. The relevant standards derive from a variety of different sources; and they require states to ensure that evictions serve a legitimate public purpose, that they meet the requirements of due process, and that they are accompanied by fair compensation. The testimony of affected individuals compels the conclusion that these evictions are forced, and in violation of international law.”

In addition, the report states that the resettlement has directly affected the livelihoods of the communities and exposed them to serious food insecurity. It explains: “In many parts of Gambella, families farm on sedentary plots along the riverbanks and practice shifting cultivation on higher ground; the former protecting them against poor harvests on the latter. The shifting cultivation practice involves farming on one plot of land for several years before moving on to another. They return to the original plot in seven to 10 years and begin the process again. Yet once they are sent to live in villages, the static lifestyle and lack of water sources render them unable to practice this traditional form of farming.” Here the report criticized the government for not providing training to the resettled communities to learn new forms of cultivation.

According to the report, unable to feed and care for themselves and their families, such shifting cultivators fear they will not survive. The report says, “one displaced individual told HRW: ‘the government is killing our people through starvation and hunger— we are just waiting here for death.’”

According to the report, Nyikaw Ochalla, an Ethiopian human right defender and the Coordinator of Anywaa Survival Organization, told Oakland Institute: “the communities used to live on riverbanks, but they are now in a place where there is no river. They are taken far away from fish, and they can’t fish at all. Land is their identity—it is what they breathe, and they’re taken away from that. Even now, some people are so stressed. They sit in camp and do nothing. Their way of living and their existence has been taken from them.”

The report also indicates that through the so called villagaization program over 1.5 million additional Ethiopians, including 225,000 people from Gambella alone, are in the process of being relocated, and the humanitarian situation is likely to deteriorate further.

“Key Rights Affected”

The report says the Ethiopian government has violated a number of rights of the indigenous populations guaranteed by different international and regional laws and treaties, in order to make a way for commercial agricultural development.

The report explains: “The ICCPR prohibits arbitrary arrests and beatings—such as those carried out against individuals who question the government’s resettlement plans—as well as the mistreatment of those who are held in government custody.”

It adds: “The repressive atmosphere, in which the government responds forcefully to those who dissent against villagization, also suggests violations of the freedoms of expression and peaceful assembly, both of which are also guaranteed by the ICCPR. The government has also violated or jeopardized the economic and social rights of many of the people it has resettled in order to clear land for investors.”

The report also says: “by removing people to areas that lack housing and infrastructure, separating them from their crops, grazing lands, and other forest and water resources, the government has destroyed the livelihoods of those who rely on such resources—such as shifting cultivators. As a result, large populations that previously produced their own food have now been rendered food insecure, suffering violations of their rights to food, housing and adequate standard of living, all of which are enshrined in the ICESCR..”

Land grabbing in Ethiopia - foreign investors and famine

Although one in 10 Ethiopians is going hungry, the government is leasing fertile land to foreign investors. Deutsche Welle spoke with Essayas Kebede from the Ethiopian government about so-called land grabbing.

Farmers cannot own land in Ethiopia, they must least it

Countries in Asia and the Gulf - such as China, India and Saudi Arabia - have rushed to foreign countries to buy farmland to grow crops for their own people. Food price inflation in recent years has highlighted the need for greater food security.

Africa has become a prime target, despite concerns about the impact on the world's poorest people. Locals have nicknamed the practice "land grabbing."

Essayas Kebede is the director of the Ethiopian government's Agricultural Investment Agency and is responsible for the contractual agreements with foreign investors regarding Ethiopian farmland.

Deutsche Welle: Mr. Essayas, Ethiopia is experiencing a severe famine right now. Despite this, you have been tasked by the government to lease huge swaths of land to foreign companies. Critics have called this irresponsible. Are you acting in bad faith?

Essayas Kebede: Agriculture is the backbone of the Ethiopian economy. Fifteen million hectares of land are being worked by farmers and another 15 million are lying fallow. The Ethiopian government's five-year development plan aims to increase the productivity of subsistence farmers, which is why we've turned our attention to commercial agriculture operations that can help our farmers increase their revenues.

The Gambella farm is the size of Luxemburg

Of the 15 million hectares of fallow land that I mentioned, we identified 3.6 million that are suitable for commercial farming. But for that we need investors. They can come from Ethiopia or from abroad, it doesn't matter to us, but we urgently need capital and modern technology to increase our agricultural sector output. That way we can boost our foreign currency stocks and create jobs.

Are you saying that this policy can help solve Ethiopia's hunger problems?

We have to increase productivity, but we also have to increase the buying power of our people. It's the only way they are going to be able to afford food. The sale of goods produced on large farms will bring in desperately needed foreign currency, with which we can introduce modern production methods.

Ethiopian farmers are not allowed to own land, rather they lease it. Wouldn't it be better to make life easier for them with microcredits, improved market access and roads than accommodating investors from India and China?

We are in the process now of regulating land ownership questions and have already granted the first land titles. Regarding infrastructure, the government has paved many kilometers of roads and built new ones. We have established government offices that support local farmers.

A full 85 percent of our population work as small farmers in rural areas and if we really want to stimulate the economy of our country, we have to improve the conditions our farmers live and work under. The foreign companies bring technology that helps our own farmers. Investors build bridges, schools and hospitals, and people here benefit from those.

The Indian investors clear Ethiopian land, but who profits?

There are rumors that the Indian Karuturi Global company has leased the Gambella farm in the west of the country, which has 300,000 hectares of land, in order to push up its stock price on the Mumbai stock exchange. However, most of the farm is still lying fallow. Where is the technology you were talking about, as well as the schools, hospitals and all the jobs?

We signed an agreement with Karuturi and they are working on it. Developing farmland doesn't happen overnight. We want to help investors have successful relationships with us.

But the success doesn't seem to be happening. You have already threatened to take back 200,000 hectares if there is no significant progress within two years. Something has obviously gone wrong. How much time does Karuturi have?

When the time comes, we will sit down together. The clearing of vegetation takes time and right now, we can't really judge Karuturi's performance. He has two years to cultivate the first 100,000 hectares and then one year for an additional 50,000.

Karuturi spokesman Birinder Singh call the land deal a "win-win" situation

To increase the food supply in the country, at least part of the harvest has to be sold on the local market. Was that a stipulation in the contracts with the big multinationals?

It's not our task to take revenue away from investors. As I said, we want to increase the purchasing power of our people so that they can afford to buy corn from Karuturi. If the investors can get a good price here in this country, they will sell here.

Four decades after Ethiopia's first famine, your country is suffering again. Has the government done enough to try to break this vicious circle of hunger and poverty?

There are 1.2 billion people suffering from hunger around the world. It's a growing, global problem and we are part of a globalized world. If it rains less in Europe, we feel it here. You see, in the 70s we had a population of 25 million, today it's 80 million. So hunger is not as widespread as it was then and today our food reserves are higher. In the 70s, the government didn't have the situation under control. The current administration, however, knows what it's doing. In fact, the chances are good that Ethiopia will be able to contribute to the global food supply in the future. We have enough land.

Interviewer: Ludger Schadomsky (jam)
Editor: Rob Mudge

DW.DE

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