Wednesday, 8 January 2014

Part I: Rise of the Ethiopian Chee-Hippo Generation in 2014

January6/2013



In my first weekly commentary of 2013, I declared that year to be the “Year of Ethiopia’s Cheetah (young) Generation”. It was a great year for Ethiopia’s Cheetahs.
I declare 2014 “Year of the Ethiopia’s Chee-Hippo Generation”. A Chee-Hippo is a Hippo (member of the older generation) who thinks, behaves and acts like a Cheetah.  A Chee-Hippo is also a Cheetah who understands the limitations of Hippos yet is willing to work with them in common cause for a common purpose. Ethiopian Chee-Hippos are a special breed. By nature, they are bridge builders and force multipliers. They build strong intergenerational bridges that connect the young with the old. They build bridges to link up the rich with the poor. They build transitional bridges to transport people from dictatorship to democracy. They build bridges across ethnic divides; they build connecting bridges for people stranded on desolate “kilil” islands (ethnic homelands or ‘bantustans’). They bridge the gulf of language, religion and region. They build bridges over gorges of distrust, ravines of doubt and canyons of suspicion. They build bridges of national unity to harmonize diversity. They build bridges to connect the youth at home with the youth in the Diaspora. Chee-Hippos build bridges over troubled waters.
Ethiopian “Chee-Hippos” are also force multipliers. They optimize the energy, passion and dedication of youth with the knowledge, skills and experiences of Hippos to bring about lasting structural change. They use their creativity to operate within the rigid parameters of a ruthless dictatorship to maximize the effectiveness and capabilities of youth change agents at decisive points.
I am a Chee-Hippo and damn proud of it!
Ethiopian Cheetahs at grave risk
In my view, the problem of 21st Century Ethiopia is quintessentially the problem of Ethiopian youth. According to the U.S. Census Bureau, in less than 37 years, Ethiopia’s population will more than triple to 278 million, placing that country in the top 10 most populous countries in the world. Ethiopia’s population growth has been spiraling upwards for decades. In 1967, the population was 23.5 million. It increased to 51 million in 1990; and by 2003, it had reached 68 million. In 2008, that number increased to 80 million. In 2013, Ethiopia’s population was estimated to be over 94 million. Today, an estimated 70 percent of Ethiopia’s population is under 35 years old (66 million). Since 1995, the average annual rate of population growth has remained at over 3 percent.
Nelson Mandela observed, “Our children are our greatest treasure. They are our future. Those who abuse them tear at the fabric of our society and weaken our nation.” If Ethiopia’s youth are its greatest treasure, they are at extreme risk today; and so is the future of that country. Ethiopia’s greatest treasures are neglected, abused, squandered and wasted. “Ethiopia is one of the countries with the lowest primary school enrollment rates in the world… [L]ow quality of school and a high dropout rate, as well as gender and rural-urban disparities remain the major challenges of the country” according to a report of the African Population and Health Research Center. Those who manage to finish high school have vastly diminished opportunities for higher education or gainful employment.
According to a 2012 USAID study, “Ethiopia has one of the highest urban youth unemployment rates at 50 percent and there is a high rate of youth under­employment in rural areas, where nearly 85 percent of the population resides.”  Another 2012 study of youth unemployment by the International Growth Center reported that the “current 5 year [Ethiopian] development plan 2010/11-2014/5, the [ruling regime’s] Growth and Transformation Plan (GTP), does not directly address the issue of youth unemployment…” That study found “in 2011, 38 percent of youth were employed in the informal sector” which “often provides low quality, low paying jobs.” There is a substantial segment of the youth population that is not only unemployed but also unemployable because they lack basic skills. Youth access to public sector jobs requiring training and skills depends not so much on merit or competition but political and social connections and party membership. Every young person in Ethiopia knows that a card verifying membership in the ruling party is more important than an honestly earned university diploma. Moreover, rural youth landlessness has contributed significantly to the chaotic and ever increasing pattern of youth urban migration, joblessness and hopelessness.
The risks faced by Ethiopia’s youth cover the gamut of social maladies. According to the humanitarian agency GOAL, there are 150,000 children living on the streets, some 60,000 of them in the capital. The average age at which children first find themselves homeless is between the age of 10 and 11 years. Health risks for youth from HIV/AIDS and other sexually transmitted diseases are on the increase. Large numbers of young people who lack opportunities are involved in drug and alcohol abuse, prostitution and other criminal activities. Without job or educational opportunities in the urban areas, large numbers of youth are rendered jobless, homeless, helpless and hopeless.
A decade ago, the ruling regime in Ethiopia issued its “National Youth Policy” and asserted that “44% of the population is below the absolute poverty line. Under this situation of poverty, the youth is the hardest hit segment of society… The fact that the majority of the unemployed youth constitute females indicates the magnitude to which young women are the main victims of the problem.” Taken as a whole, the so-called National Youth Policy is nothing more than a blueprint for the recruitment of youth to become supporters of the regime and the ruling party. The policy directs that the “Government shall have the responsibility to direct, coordinate, integrate and build the capacity for the implementation of this policy.” Yet, as the International Growth Center study showed, the “current 5 year [Ethiopian] development plan 2010/11-2014/5, the Growth and Transformation Plan (GTP), does not directly address the issue of youth unemployment The “National Youth Policy” has been sitting on the shelf for a decade gathering dust, a manifest fact ascertainable from an international data base of national youth policies.
A tale of two generations: Need for dialogue between Ethiopian Cheetahs and Hippos
What time is it in Ethiopia? It is now Chee-Hippo Time. It’s now high time for Ethiopian Cheetahs and Hippos to talk, to dialogue and to reconcile. It is now time for Ethiopia’s restless Cheetahs and progressive, enlightened and forward-looking Hippos to come together, to think and act decisively together. Now is 2014!
By dialogue I mean formal and informal conversation between Cheetahs and Hippos across all forums–  from the dinner table to the halls of academia, from churches and mosques to civic associations. The topic of the dialogue is unlimited but the aims are specific. We need to have dialogues to question old ideas, keep the good ones and discard the rest. Dialogue is needed to change old, narrow-minded and counterproductive patterns of thinking. We need to dialogue to generate fresh new ideas about politics, government and society. We want to dialogue and brainstorm and generate innovative and creative solutions to persistent socio-political problems.  We need to dialogue so that we can agree to disagree in a civil and respectful manner. We need to dialogue to persuade each other on how best to right wrongs. We need a “new generation” to shoulder the task of coordinating the dialogue. Broadminded Cheetahs and Progressive Hippos can facilitate the dialogue.
What is NOT the purpose of the dialogue? The proposed dialogue is not to engage in recrimination, accusation and finger pointing. It is also not about bellyaching, heart aching or teeth gnashing about what happened or did not happen in the past. The Chee-Hippo sponsored dialogues have two purposes: 1) to begin intergenerational reconciliation, and 2) to develop consensus on the roles and division of labor between Cheetahs and Hippos.
Intergenerational dialogue cannot happen when there is a “language” barrier. I believe there is a failure to communicate between Ethiopian Hippos who often speak with silence and Ethiopian Cheetahs who are deafened by that silence. Let’s look at a few examples. When many of us Hippos talk about change we are concerned about removing the current regime and installing ourselves. The guys in power are bad, we are good. No, we are better; actually we are the best. The Hippos in power think that they are the sole agents of change. When we Hippos talk about leadership, we want the young people to follow our commands because we have power, experience, skills and/or knowledge. We want Ethiopia’s Cheetahs to become a flock of sheep and to follow us, their good and benevolent Hippo shepherds. We have great difficulty accepting the fact that we have dynamic youth leaders with extraordinary abilities who can think critically and act decisively; we do not want them to have a separate and independent existence from us.  We look down dismissively on the youth in general. We say the youth have little discernment or depth of understanding and should sheepishly follow what we tell them. “Children should be seen not heard.” We belittle them with outmoded sayings. “When children cook, they won’t cook enough to last for dinner” (lij yabokaw lerat aybekam). We do not respect youth ideas nor do we lavish them with praise and encouragement for doing things better or differently; but we are  quick to criticize and condemn them.   
When we Hippos talk about power, we mean power for ourselves without much accountability and transparency. The Hippos in power use power to divide and rule; they abuse power to cling to power; they misuse power because they can. Hippos out of power want power because they don’t have it; and if they have it, it is because power is an end in itself. Hippos do not use power to empower the disempowered or the powerless. The youth in Ethiopia are the most disempowered and powerless segment of society. That means 70 percent of the country’s population (66 million) is disempowered.
I believe Ethiopian Cheetahs have lost faith in Ethiopian Hippos. That faith can be restored only when there is mutual respect and understanding and honest and civil communication.  We must restore faith and reconcile with them by treating and relating to them as our equals. We must fully accept that their views, hopes and aspirations for Ethiopia are no less important or valid than our own. We must dialogue with them as equals and with respect.
Hippos teaching Cheetahs
The Cheetahs need to dialogue with us Hippos because we could be very helpful to them. We can teach them by example.  The first lesson Cheetahs must learn is that those who do not learn from the mistakes of their elders are doomed to repeat them. We have made many mistakes. The second lesson is that Cheetahs must overcome the deficits of Hippos and make a fresh start of their own.  I wish Hippos could teach Cheetah’s the virtues of courage, trust, sacrifice, honesty, integrity, endurance, tenacity and fortitude. We suffer from a “virtue deficit”, but we could discover and practice these virtues together. We could most certainly teach our Cheetahs to avoid many of our vices including arrogance, anger, suspicion, bigotry, corruption, intolerance, incivility, fearfulness, malice, vengefulness and narcissism. We can help them learn the art of clear communication and the virtues of accountability and transparency in public and private life.
Cheetahs teaching Hippos
Cheetahs can teach Hippos that social and political problems could be solved in a peaceful and nonviolent manner. Young people could be educated and trained not merely as war fighters but most importantly as peacemakers. They have the capacity to build healthy human relationships and rid a society of the plague of ethnic and religious hatred and strife. They could teach Hippos that it is necessary and possible to create communities that value cooperation, amity, consensus, peace, unity and hope. They could show us that they have the capacity to construct a “New Ethiopia” where we can all  live in peace, equality and justice. Cheetahs could teach Hippos that if they are invited and made genuine partners and allowed to participate in social and political organs of society, they could play transformative roles. If we listen to them in earnest, they could save us from ourselves. Imagine that! They could help us breakout of the walls of our ethnic prisons, unchain ourselves from imaginary fears and escape the bigotry and prejudice that has closed our eyes so that we are blinded from seeing the “New Ethiopia” on the horizon.
If Ethiopians have a chance of survival as a nation and as a people, that survival will depend on the creativity, stamina, determination, goodwill, commitment and sacrifices of its youth. That places an extreme burden on the youth. They must do the lion’s share of the heavy lifting, the hard work and the sacrifices. Similarly, if Ethiopians have a chance of survival as a nation and as a people, that survival will also depend on the active and sustained support of the older generation to the upcoming generation. We Hippos must do all we can to make sure our Cheetahs will not falter and fail. If they do, we must help them get up, dust off and do it again and again. We must stand by them all the way, no matter how long it takes. We must dialogue with them and tell them we will support them and love them; we will gladly serve as water carriers so long as they remain on the construction site of the “New Ethiopia”.
Ethiopia’s youth force is unstoppable. There is no force on earth, no dictatorship strong enough to defeat Ethiopia’s rising Cheetahs. We Hippos are well advised to follow the old saying, “if you can’t beat them, join them”. Let’s join the Cheetahs in dialogue! Let’s talk to them and ask them what they need. If they need and seek our counsel, let’s give it to them freely and generously. If they seek our technical support, let’s provide it to them. If they need moral support, let’s offer it to them. If they need material support, let’s raise funds for them. If they are going to do the heavy lifting, the bridge building, the road mending and mountain climbing, let us be their humble water carriers. Let’s be force amplifiers for our youth.
(Part II will follow.)

Wednesday, 1 January 2014

Ethnic segregation and fascism of TPLF the woyanes

December 18, 2013

by Nathnael Abate
Ethnic segregation idea was first sowed in the land of Ethiopia by fascist Italians. The country dividing and hate mongering ideology was defeated with the fascist Italians. Later on in 1991 this Ideology was re-introduced by TPLF the bandits of forest. The re-introduced language based segregation was been used by the regime past 23 years. The neo-fascist woyane successfully divided the country by language, culture and history. More over the hate mongering history lessons propaganda advanced to academic areas which teach completely false, clueless and evidence less lessons to the generation. This has created ethnic based racism aggression among the students, people and ethnics of Ethiopia.
The well-known dictator regime of Ethiopia is the post-messenger and follower of fascist Italians. There are many similarities between the Tigrian liberation front and the invaders of 1936- 1941. The fascist dictator of Italy, during its occupation of Ethiopia, it partitioned the country in to six governorates. The governorates were as follow
Governoratecapital
AmharaGondar
Tigre and EritreaAsmara
Oromo-SidamaJimma
Bale and HarariHarar
ShoaAddis Ababa
Somalia-OgdenMogadishu

The Neo-fascist TPLF, Partitioned Ethiopia in to nine language based regions and two chartered cities. The regions are mainly based on the language and partially geographical regionalization. Language based includes Amhara,Ethiopia: EPRDF and Militarizing the Region Tigray , Oromia ,Somalia, Benshangoul goumuz and Afar regions. The remaining regions seem to be divided according to their geographical location. Gambella region has more than one language. Anuak, Nuer OPO denka and Mezhengir are the languages of the region. In south Ethiopia there are many ethnicity and languages. So the regionalizers gave them the name SNNP and compressed them in to one region. The regions further divided in to zones, woredas (districts) and kebeles.
To identify the individual’s ethnicity, individuals are registered according to their region, language and ethnicity. Their identity card or any legal documents required to fulfill these standards. This documentation provides strong base for discrimination of individuals during employment and public benefits. For instance an individual from Amhara or Afar region cannot work in public offices in Oromia region or cannot be elected as a public officer. The employment opportunity, owning land and property rights of the individuals are limited to their regions. This method of discriminating citizens based on their ethnicity comes from non-Ethiopian origin.  The technique of limiting the right of individuals to their regions and ethnicity was first devised by the Apartheid leaders of South Africa
During the apartheid segregation of races in South Africa, the ruling white party segregated and tried to eliminate blacks’ from areas where whites live and the parliament. Blacks were deprived South African citizenship and limited to their Ethnic based regions called Bantustans. Blacks were forced to live In the Bantustans and forcibly removed from their homes and property.
 South Africa’s black population was subjected to a massive program of forced relocation. This brings us to the implementation of Apartheid Bantustans in Ethiopia. The recent eviction of Amharic speaking Ethiopians from south Ethiopia and Benshoungoul gomouz is strategic Bantustan system applied on Amhara’s by TPLF. Ever since, the Ethiopian Bantustan system created, citizens deprived their right to employment, residence, access to common benefits and the associated things. In turn this resulted in a massive flow of young men power out of the country. The ethnic politics, hatred between ethnics, tribalism and chaos between ethnics are the results of Woyane Bantustan system.
During the fascist Italian invasion Ethiopia was regionalized in to six governorates and in reign of TPLF the country is regionalized in to nine regions based on their ethnicity and languages. The chaos mongering regionalization of the country has created hatred between people, made a gap to misunderstand past political history of the country, reduced common sense, common value and caused underestimating unity in diversity.
The TPLFs government main scheme to elongate its life span is destroying the national sense of Ethiopians and the feeling of being Ethiopian from the people. For this purpose ethnic politics based on language has become the target instrument. The national feeling of young generation has decreasing over half percent in compare to the past generation. Now days in the most part of the country the idea of being Ethiopian and Ethiopia considered as a Neftegna system followers, especially in Oromia, Somalia and Afar regions. Followers of ethicized politics often get their history education from the worst writers of history and ethnocentric politicians. They have a mission of making battle grounds between the ethnics of the country. I know the fact that there has always been ethnic marginalization, injustice and inequality in Ethiopia. But what happened in the past should not be used as an excuse to cause division and hatred now.
The ruling regime intentionally reduced national feeling from the generation. The generation taught to not value their country but their ethnicity. The increased hatred stress among different ethnics has doubled many times in recent years that were never known before in the history of Ethiopia. The year 2012, conflict between Gharri and Borena ethnics in south Ethiopia caused over 20,000 people to flee. Several pastoral tribes in south Ethiopia get in to conflict every year. Tribal zone conflict of the Suri and Dizi and others were the fruits of the woyanes language based ethnic policy.
The separation of people is not only in a social and cultural area but also it is further penetrated in to spiritual environments too. Since recent years depending on the church language many different churches were built. Often it’s observed that members of churches with the same religion but different church language quarrel and fight with each other because of their language differences.
So far I have been comparing the ruling regime of Ethiopia with fascist Italians and racist apartheid government of South Africa. It’s obvious that woyane Government copied and implemented the policy of Apartheid and fascists. For these governments their policy was right and honored. The same is true for woyanes, their ethnic centered policy is holy and sanctified for them. The current segregation policy of woyane is daily fueled up to the people through media stating the segregation is for freedom, equality and justice which the people deprived in the former political systems. The repeated false propaganda of woyane brainwashed the people. The woyanes context of freedom, is sustaining its power and eradicating any opponent and Equality is dividing the country in to tribes and creating hatred among these ethnicities.
To continue divide and rule strategy, TPLF every year celebrates “ye bihereseboch qen”. Millions of dollars spent on the occasion and the main goal of the celebration is not to promote the unity in diversity or increase our bond but it’s aimed to pleasure the junta leaders. It’s illogical for woyane to celebrate the nations and nationalities day and make segregation among the people. Also it makes no sense since tens of thousands of our people killed and left on the land of Arab’s but back home the TPLF having party for diversities. Which comes first, saving lives of the abandoned citizens or having fake diversity party?
The confused government of Ethiopia with self-contradicting policy kept on ethnic apartheid leading system. Consequently, I cannot see unified peaceful country as long as TPLF exists. If the situation is left to continue in this manner, there is no doubt that soon or later civil war would occur or Ethiopians would be abandoned and become stateless people. To combat the woyane from act of country destruction, all Ethiopians should become patriots like their forefather who defeated fascists and turned them in to ashes. 
 As the South African blacks struggle was not a question of political power, our struggle is not an interest of political supremacy but it is a fight for survival of our country, keeping it or losing it forever. Our forefathers did not fight fascist for the sake of political power but it was a question of existence, sovereignty, keeping our land or losing it forever. 
That was the spirit which gave power to our forefathers and black South Africans to defeat their enemies. Our invincible Ethiopiansim power should come out of us. Our arms should be heavy up on woyane. There should be no more suppression, killing and segregation. We should stand together to build our country’s unity in diversity.

Saturday, 28 December 2013

Mentally disabled Ethiopian housemaid faces beheading in Saudi Arabia

December 26, 2013

The Horn Times Newsletter December 26, 2013
by Getahune Bekele-South Africa
In the first place, the charge was motivated by conjugation of hate and barbarity common in Saudi Arabia. Unable to disavow the accusation labeled against her without a lawyer or even an interpreter, with her hair disheveled and her face hoary with terror, eyes darting from one corner to the other, the Ethiopian woman stood before three heavily bearded Islamic judges silent and motion less.The absolutist monarchy of Saudi Arabia
She does not remember her own name and no one knows for how long she has been subjected to severe abuse by her Saudi employers. No passport or travel document was found in her possessions. The Horn Times is still trying to establish her real name and family address back home in Ethiopia.
Despite the great discrepancy between the police and her employer’s version of the incident, the 26-year-old mentally disabled woman was sentenced to death on Tuesday 24 December 2013, in the capital Riyadh for allegedly killing her abusive employer’s six-year-old girl, Lamis, by slitting her throat.
The court’s bizarre verdict based on conjecture and confession obtained under coercion by the notorious Saudi police, once again exposed the stone-age nature of the country’s legal system, which remains at odds with the international norm or practice.
According to the charge sheet, the battered Ethiopian housemaid slit the throat of Lamis, 6, with a kitchen knife   in July 2013 at Hota Bani Tamim, just South of Riyadh. An hour later, police found her trying to hide in the back yard of her employer’s house. Police alleged that the woman resisted arrest and put up a fight but was overpowered and taken into custody.
Delivering the verdict, the presiding judge told the mentally unwell Ethiopian woman who were muttering cryptic words to appeal against the death sentence within 30 days if she wishes to. Under such mental state, it was not clear if the condemned woman was cognizant of her rights.
From sleep and food deprivation, wealthy Saudis are known for dehumanizing foreign domestic workers by isolating them from friends and family, making them to work extra hours, and viewing them as cheap labor or mere commodities. Rape and forced confinement for weeks or months with no payment are still common.
To millions of housemaids from the Philippines, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and Indonesia; the name Saudi Arabia is a connotation of demonic cruelty and 7th century Arabian barbarism.
According to records, Saudi Arabia has a yearly average of 100 executions and publicly beheaded 27 housemaids in 2010 alone and most of those put to death were vehemently denying any wrongdoing till to the last minute.
Amnesty international says some of those who committed crimes such as murder either were defending themselves or mentally challenged because of prolonged abuse and unspeakable suffering at the hands of their employers.
International law prohibits the application of the death penalty against children under the age of eighteen at the time of the crime being committed, and the implementation of the death penalty on persons suffering from mental retardation or extremely limited mental competence.­
However, in January 2013, the Saudi Arabian regime executed an eighteen year-old Sri Lankan maid Rizana Nafeek arrogantly brushing off international condemnation. Several mentally retarded maids were also mercilessly beheaded as the international community continues to tolerate the barbaric oil sheikdom’s nefarious stubbornness.

Monday, 2 December 2013

Teachable Moments for the Ethiopian Diaspora?

December 1, 2013

Stop the violence against Ethiopian migrant workers in Saudi Arabia now!
The ongoing human rights abuses of Ethiopian migrant workers in Saudi Arabia have triggered massive expressions of outrage against the regimes in Riyadh and Addis Ababa and unprecedented outpouring of concern and support in Diaspora Ethiopian communities. Over the past several weeks, enraged and brokenhearted by the shocking video clips of dehumanization of Ethiopians in Saudi Arabia, tens of thousands of Diaspora Ethiopians from Australia to the United States faced off cowering Saudi embassy and consular officials.  An estimated 6-7 thousand Ethiopians peacefully marched on the Saudi Embassy in Washington, D.C. to demand an immediate stop to the violence and abuse and to show their support and solidarity with their compatriots in Saudi Arabia. Tens of thousands rallied from Atlanta to Seattle. Thousands more marched throughout Europe.  Everywhere they carried banners and shouted, “Shame, shame, shame on you, Saudi Arabia!”The reactions of Diaspora Ethiopians and the regime in Ethiopia
The evidence of abuse and mistreatment of Ethiopian migrant workers in Saudi Arabia is incontrovertible. In its December 1, 2013 report, Human Rights Watch stated, “Ethiopian migrant workers have been the victims of physical assaults, some of them fatal, in Saudi Arabia following a government crackdown on foreign workers. Many workers seeking to return home are being held in makeshift detention centers without adequate food or shelter.”
Three factors explain the worldwide explosion of anger and outrage by Diaspora Ethiopians: 1) the unspeakable barbarity and ruthlessness of Saudi street and police thugs and vigilantes who literally yanked out  Ethiopian migrant workers from their homes to beat, rob and jail them; 2) the depraved indifference and silent complicity of the Saudi regime in the face of the unmitigated police and mob violence and 3) the bottomless incompetence and  obsequiousness of the regime in Ethiopia to their  Saudi benefactors.
The reactions of Diaspora Ethiopians and the regime in Ethiopia over the abuse and mistreatment of the migrant workers were in sharp contrast. As Diaspora Ethiopians stood up for their compatriots in Saudi Arabia, the regime in Addis Ababa was backpedalling, bending over backwards and falling head over heels to bootlick and apologize to the Saudis. It was nauseating!

Tedros Adhanom, the malaria researcher-turned-instant-foreign-minster and the man being groomed to become prime minister after the 2015  “election” had the nerve to state in public, “Ethiopia would like to express its respect for the decision of the Saudi Authorities and the policy of deporting illegal migrants.” He confessed he was “really depressed” by the mistreatment of Ethiopians in Saudi Arabia and told off the Saudi ambassador have it. “It is unacceptable”, declared Adhanom with diplomatic panache. In an attempt to show how he and his regime have things under control, Adhanom bellowed, “I would like to assure you that we are ready to receive our fellow citizens home.”

It was a pathetic display of indifference, incompetence and inanity. How could one “respect” the policy of another country that condones the dehumanization of its citizens? How could any person in his right mind choose the meaningless diplomatic word “unacceptable” to describe the rape, murder, mutilation, torture and lynching of one’s brothers and sisters in a foreign land? How does one retreat into personal “depression” and “sadness” without lashing out with righteous indignation and outright diplomatic outrage and fury?

It is true that a picture is worth a thousand words. The Saudi abuse video clips were decisive in triggering the Diaspora outrage. What must not be overlooked is the fact that the same degradation, humiliation, torture and abuse inflicted on Ethiopians in Saudi Arabia has been inflicted on ordinary Ethiopians for the past two decades.

By crushing the independent media, Adhanom’s regime has been largely successful in concealing and covering up its massive crimes against humanity from public view; but not all is hidden.There is plenty of shocking photographic evidence  — just as shocking, if not more shocking than the video clips of the Saudi atrocities — of crimes committed against ordinary Ethiopians by the regime in Ethiopia. What happened to Ethiopian migrant workers in Saudi Arabia in November 2013 has been happening to ordinary Ethiopian in Ethiopia in October 2013, November 2012, and December  2011 and so on.

  A couple of weeks ago, Human Rights Watch issued a report on forced confessions  which stated, “Detainees [at Maekelawi prison in Addis Ababa] are repeatedly slapped, kicked, punched, and beaten with sticks and gun butts. Some reported being forced into painful stress positions, such as being hung by their wrists from the ceiling or being made to stand with their hands tied above their heads for several hours at a time, often while being beaten.”

My most teachable moment: Watching an awakening and angry giant

Truth be told, the most “teachable moment” for me in the current Saudi situation was the massive worldwide mobilization Diaspora Ethiopians were able to achieve in such a short time. I must confess that I did not believe Ethiopians in the Diaspora could strategically coordinate furious global protest action with such efficiency, energy and enthusiasm. It was truly an “Aha!” moment for me. I have been watching Diaspora Ethiopians for a few years, and but for the usual activists, the majority seemed to me not only silent but also sleeping. But in November 2013, I watched an awakening Ethiopian Diaspora Giant in sheer amazement. Men and women, young and old came out by the hundreds and thousands to stand up for their brothers and sisters in Saudi Arabia. What suddenly caused the Giant to awaken? I am not quite sure. My deepest fear now is whether the Awakened Giant will fall back to sleep after the Saudi crises is over.

Teachable moments for all of us

I believe the Saudi abuse and persecution of Ethiopian migrant workers and the callous indifference of the regime in Ethiopia present exceptional teachable moments for all Ethiopians, particularly those in the Diaspora. I define a “teachable moment” as a unique occurrence in history that has extraordinary instructive value for mass education, mobilization and individual engagement. In identifying the following few teachable and learnable lessons in allegorical form, my basic message is that crisis reaction is not a winning formula for the attainment of freedom, democracy and human rights in Ethiopia. We should reflect calmly on the things we did right to achieve such extraordinary global unity, solidarity and mobilization in responding to the Saudi crisis. We should use the mobilization “magic” in the Saudi crisis over and over again. We should be in a permanent state of human rights advocacy and mobilization in the Ethiopian Diaspora!

Looking in the Ethiopian Diaspora Mirror: A conversation

I am introducing an allegorical (imaginary) “Ethiopian Diaspora Mirror” to talk about some things we need to do and not do to transform ourselves from reactors to crisis to shapers of destiny. We need to devise strategies to keep the Awakened Giant permanently awake and eternally vigilant.
We all know what the problems and issues are in the Ethiopian Diaspora; some are minor and others more difficult to resolve. Unless we openly and honestly talk about and resolve them, we run the risk of putting the Awakened Giant back to sleep. I am also sick and tired of muddling from one crisis to another. We must humanize, organize, revitalize and mobilize Diaspora Ethiopian communities.  We must have conversations with ourselves and each other.

I look into the “Ethiopian Diaspora Mirror” I hang on the wall to have a conversation. It looks back at me and says:

Y’all can start stuff, but you never finish it. The Mirror reminds, “‘The late leader of the regime in Ethiopia used to say, ‘Diaspora Ethiopians can start a lot of things, but they never finish what they start.’ Was he wrong?’”
I grope for words trying not to answer the question. “Truth be told, we have started many, many things, but very few have we brought to a successful conclusion. I can testify from my limited personal experience. Since 2005, when I actively joined the Ethiopian human rights struggle, I have seen, heard of and personally participated in one capacity or another in hundreds of political or advocacy groups, task forces, conferences, forums, consultation and discussion groups, teleconferences and in person meetings, workshops, conventions, colloquiums, symposia and conventions. 

I regret to say, I have yet to see one brought to complete fruition.” Then I quickly corrected myself. “We brought one thing to partial success. Who’d forget HR 2003 (Ethiopia Democracy and Accountability Act) in the U.S. House of Representatives. Aah! That was a teachable moment. That bill gave the late regime leader a headache, heartache, stomachache, backache, toothache and earache! HR 2003 also kept divergent Diaspora groups glued together committed to a common purpose.”

The Mirror interrupted, “Bingo! Y’all can build an all-inclusive Diaspora organization on a solid foundation of Ethiopian human rights advocacy. After all, who would be in favor of torture, extrajudicial killings, arbitrary arrests and detentions, beatings, torture and stolen elections?” I decided not to give the obvious answer. If we start something, we much bring it to a successful resolution or keep on trying regardless of how long it takes.

Y’all (almost) always tend to react emotionally often punctuated by anger. The Mirror asks, “Why do y’all almost always tend to react emotionally and often angrily when the ignoble regime in Ethiopia does or does not do something?”  I quickly think of the Saudi situation. “There is nothing wrong in being emotional. To be human and not be emotional is to become a robot. How could we not be angry and outraged when we see and hear our brothers and sisters in Saudi Arabia being subjected to subhuman treatment.” The Mirror continues to patiently question. 

 “After you’ve let off steam and the anger subsides, what is left over? Despair, anguish, sorrow?  Do you fall into the iron grips of powerlessness, hopelessness and helplessness and apathy? Or do you tap into your creative energies to re-group and take decisive action?” I nod reflectively. “Indeed, anger often ends in paralysis and inaction. The energy we waste in venting our anger must be transmuted into constructive long-term and sustained advocacy and action.”  Our anger must give way to rational, calculated and deliberative collective action.

Y’all (almost) always tend to react to high profile crises situations, but completely ignore the equally important low profile ones.  The Mirror says, “Just over the past year, y’all have witnessed a number of tragic crises unfold. There was the systematic persecution and violent suppression of Ethiopian Muslims by the regime. There was the brazen takeover of Waldba monastery lands, the ancient and venerated religious site in Ethiopia, for a handover to foreign commercial sugarcane plantation developers.

 There was the forced deportation–  ethnic cleansing — of Ethiopian citizens from the Benishangul-Gumuz region, among others.” The Mirror continued. “There are many low profile but devastating ongoing crises situations y’all have ignored.  Despite the regime’s propaganda about “double digit growth”, some 10 million Ethiopians today face life-threatening hunger and starvation. It is only because of international handouts that Ethiopia today has not faced the Biblical famines of the 1970s and early 1980s. The number of Ethiopian refugees in neighboring countries and throughout the world continues to grow by the hundreds of thousands every year. 

 There are crises in the education and health care sectors. There is a crisis of corruption and so on.  The quality of elementary and secondary educations is so poor and lacking, it should be classified as a crime against youth and humanity. The universities are mismanaged, politicized and have been converted into nepotistic training grounds for the party faithful.” We must react massively not only to high profile crises but also the low profile ones.
Y’all in the Ethiopian Diaspora (almost) always play weak defensive games. The Mirror points out, “Y’all in the Diaspora are always reacting to what the regime in Ethiopia does, and less often to what it does not do. The late leader of the regime was so clever he exploited this weakness to the hilt and played y’all like a cheap country fiddle. He would say or do something outrageous just to create distraction and y’all would be bent out of shape reacting to him. He’d watch with that evil grin of his.”

I try to explain to the Mirror. “That man was clever as he was cruel. He was a master manipulator, schemer, scammer and wily provocateur. We didn’t have a choice.” The Mirror is not convinced.  “Are you going to let his henchmen continue to play you like a cheap country fiddle?” I have no answer. I pretend not to have heard the question. I muttered to myself, “No team can win without a strong offensive line.” We need to build strong Diaspora teams and play strong offensive games.

Y’all lack focus. The Mirror says, “Y’all lack focus and hop from one issue to another. You react explosively to a crisis event followed by a long stretches of inaction bordering on apathy.” I ask myself, “Why is that so? Could it be that it is difficult to be focused without organization and leadership? Why is it that we don’t have a clear and intelligible advocacy and action agenda?” I tell the Mirror, “We lack focus because we lack a clear vision; we lack vision because we lack the will; we lack the will because we lack faith in ourselves and confidence in our beliefs and convictions.” We should heed the old African saying, “If you don’t know where you are going, any road will take you there.”

Most of y’all are onlookers. The Mirror says, “Most of y’all would rather look from the sidelines; others would prefer to criticize from the sidelines.” I interrupt. “The trick is to fire up the imagination of the spectators, to empower and give them hope, knowledge and the confidence to use both in the cause of human rights. Then they will be  transformed from onlookers to activists.” The Mirror teases, “Human rights is not a spectator sport. Human rights is a team sport. Everyone is needed on the field. Everyone has a position to play and score big.” We must inspire and mobilize from the bottom up.

Y’all must launch an Ethiopian Diaspora civic engagement campaign. The Mirror warns sternly. “Y’all can’t ad hoc, ad lib and ad hominem your way to victory. Y’all must educate, mobilize, organize and empower the Diaspora community for collective action.  Y’all need to get in gear and get civic engagement campaigns going.  Set up community committees for civic engagement, recruit volunteers, run leadership workshops, broadcast radio and television programs to empower and engage everyone from the bottom up. Civic engagement from the bottom up!

Y’all waste too much time flinging insults at the other side. The Mirror says, “Y’all waste too much time flinging insults and denouncing the regime. Y’all just don’t get it. It’s like the old saying, ‘Never wrestle with a pig (or a thug) in the mud. You get dirty and the pig (thug) enjoys it.’ There is no way y’all can out-insult, out-taunt, out-hustle or out-slander a thug.” I am quick to respond. “One must call a spade a spade!” The Mirror advises, “So call it and move on. Just remember, you can’t insult your way to democracy or freedom.”

I nod in agreement. “We must attack with the slings and arrows of truth; we must defend with shields of facts. We must march the long march to freedom speaking, singing and shouting truth to the abusers of  power.” Speak truth (not insults) to abusers of power.

Y’all need to pay attention to the 800-pound tiger in the room. The Mirror says, “Try to walk in the other guys’ shoes, not to understand them (because you never will) but to understand their fears and veiled tears. Your adversaries are conscienceless and ruthless, but they are not fearless. They live in fear; but they are not paranoid (irrational fear).  Their fear is as real as the ‘tiger burning bright, deep in the forest of the night” to paraphrase William Blake. They are trapped in what could be called a ‘Churchill-Kennedy fear paradox’: ‘Dictators ride to and fro upon tigers which they dare not dismount. 

And the tigers are getting hungry’, warned Churchill. President John Kennedy cautioned dictators to ‘remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.’ In other words, “Those who make peaceful revolution impossible will make violent revolution inevitable.” The Mirror continued. “They appear cocksure and arrogant, but that’s only to cover up their all-consuming fear that one day, any day, they could lose their grip on power and spiral down to the bottom of the very hell they created for others.”

I ask the Mirror, “Are you saying dictators live day to day? They will do anything today just to go on living until tomorrow and the day after and the day after that?” The Mirror corrects. “No. They live in fear hour by hour; minute by minute; second by second.” Hungry tigers? Awakening giant tigers!

Y’all can’t do it alone. A final word before you go says the Mirror. “Y’all can’t do it alone. Y’all have to reach out make friends and coordinate action with them.”
I started to think. “How many of us are friends to our best friends? How many of us are members of Human Rights Watch, that organization keeping eternal vigil on human rights violation in Ethiopia?  How many of us support the Committee to Protect Journalists which keeps the searchlight trained on Kality Prison and Eskinder Nega, Woubshet Taye and the other journalists illegally held there. How many of us appreciate the extraordinary work of International Rivers which has been defending the rights of indigenous groups and exposing environmental devastation in Ethiopia? How many friends do we have in the international and local media? It suddenly dawned on me. “Why didn’t CNN, BBC, ABC, CBS, Al Jazeera, the Washington Post, the LA Times… show up to cover our protest demonstrations? Could it be because we have not made friends with them?” We just can’t do it alone. The sky is not the limit to what we can do together!
Mirror, mirror on the…
The “Diaspora Ethiopian Mirror” could be telling the truth or lies. Maybe I see what we I want to see in the Mirror. Maybe the Mirror shows me what it wants me to see.  Maybe the mirror reflects what I project on it. Maybe the mirror has all the answers or none at all. Maybe the mirror is my conscience. Of course, none of that stops me from looking into the mirror at the beginning and end of the day and asking: “Mirror, mirror on the wall, what should the Awakened Ethiopian Diaspora Giant do after all?
To be continued…
Note to the Reader: “Conversations with the Ethiopian Diaspora Mirror” is a special series of commentaries I expect to write periodically to focus on particularly instructive events and occurrences. It should not be all that surprising for a teacher to seek out teachable and learnable moments!

แ‹จแ‹ˆแ‹ซแŠ” แŠ แŒˆแ‹›แ‹ แ‰ แˆ˜แˆแ‹•แŠญแ‰ฐแŠžแ‰น แ‰ แŠฉแˆ แˆ‹แ‰€แˆจแ‰ แ‹ แ‹จ“แŠฅแŠ•แ‹ฐแˆซแ‹ฐแˆญ” แŒฅแ‹ซแ‰„ แŠจแŒแŠ•แ‰ฆแ‰ต 7 แ‹จแแ‰ตแˆ…፣ แ‹จแАแƒแАแ‰ตแŠ“ แ‹จแ‹ฒแˆžแŠญแˆซแˆฒ แŠ•แ‰…แŠ“แ‰„ แ‹จแ‰ฐแˆฐแŒ  แˆแˆ‹แˆฝ

December 2, 2013



แ‹ˆแ‹ซแŠ” แŠขแ‰ตแ‹ฎแŒตแ‹ซ แ‹‰แˆตแŒฅ แ‹จแŒˆแАแ‰ฃแ‹‰ แˆฅแˆญแ‹“แ‰ต แ‰ แŠจแแ‰ฐแŠ› แ‰ฝแŒแˆฎแ‰ฝ แ‹จแ‰ฐแ‹ˆแŒ แˆจ แАแ‹። แŠจแ‰…แˆญแ‰ฅ แŒŠแ‹œ แ‹ˆแ‹ฒแˆ… แ‹ฐแŒแˆž แ‹จแˆ˜แˆชแ‹ แˆžแ‰ต แ‰ แ‹ˆแ‹ซแŠ” แˆ˜แˆ€แˆ แ‹ซแˆตแŠจแ‰ฐแˆˆแ‹ แ‰€แ‹แˆต፤ แ‹จแˆ•แ‹แ‰ฅ แˆแˆˆแŒˆแ‰ฅ แ‰ตแŒแˆ แŠจแŒŠแ‹œ แ‹ˆแ‹ฐ แŒŠแ‹œ แŠฅแ‹จแŒŽแˆˆแ‰ แ‰ต แˆ˜แˆ„แ‹ต แ‹จแˆแŒ แˆจแ‰ แ‰ต แˆตแŒ‹แ‰ต แŠฅแŠ“ แˆแˆญแŒซ แ‰ แ‹ฐแˆจแˆฐ แ‰แŒฅแˆญ แ‹จแˆšแ‹ฐแˆญแˆตแ‰ แ‰ต แŒญแŠ•แ‰€แ‰ต แˆ˜แŒจแˆ˜แˆญ แ‰ฐแ‹ฐแˆ›แˆแˆจแ‹ แ‹แŒฅแˆจแ‰ฑแŠ• แ‹ˆแ‹ฐ แŠจแแ‰ฐแŠ› แ‹ฐแˆจแŒƒ แŠฅแ‹ซแ‹ฐแˆจแˆฑแ‰ต แˆ˜แˆ†แŠ‘แŠ• แ‹จแˆšแ‹ซแˆณแ‹ฉ แ‰ แ‰‚ แˆแˆแŠญแ‰ถแ‰ฝ แŠ แˆ‰። แ‹จแŠฅแˆตแŠซแˆแŠ‘ แ‰ฐแˆžแŠญแˆฎแ‹“แ‰ฝแŠ• แŠฅแŠ•แ‹ฐแˆšแ‹ซแˆณแ‹จแ‹ แ‹ˆแ‹ซแŠ” แ‹แŒฅแˆจแ‰ต แˆฒแ‰ แ‹›แ‰ แ‰ตแŠ“ แˆ˜แ‹‰แŒชแ‹ซแŠ“ แˆ˜แŒแ‰ขแ‹ซแ‹‰ แˆฒแŒ แ‹แ‹‰ ፣ แ‰ฐแ‰ƒแ‹‹แˆš แ‹ตแˆญแŒ…แ‰ถแ‰ฝแŠ• “แŠฅแŠ•แ‹ˆแ‹ซแ‹ญ፣ แŠฅแŠ•แ‹ฐแˆซแ‹ฐแˆญ” แ‰ แˆ›แˆˆแ‰ต แˆˆแ‹แŒฅแˆจแ‰ต แˆ›แˆตแ‰ฐแŠ•แˆแˆป แŒŠแ‹œ แ‹จแˆšแŒˆแ‹› แˆ˜แˆ†แŠ‘แŠ• แАแ‹። แˆฐแˆžแŠ‘แŠ• แ‰ แ‹ˆแ‹ซแŠ” แŠ แŒˆแ‹›แ‹ แˆ˜แˆแ‹•แŠญแ‰ฐแŠžแ‰ฝ แ‰ แŠฉแˆ แ‹จแ‹ฐแˆจแˆฐแŠ•แŠ• “แ‹จแŠฅแŠ•แ‹ฐแˆซแ‹ฐแˆญ” แŒฅแ‹ซแ‰„ แŠ•แ‰…แŠ“แ‰„แ‹ซแ‰ฝแŠ• แ‰ แ‹‹แŠ“แАแ‰ต แ‹ซแ‹จแ‹ แ‹ˆแ‹ซแŠ” แŠฅแŠ•แ‹ฐแˆˆแˆ˜แ‹ฐแ‹ แ‹ตแˆญแ‹ตแˆญแŠ• แˆˆแ‹แŒฅแˆจแ‰ต แˆ›แˆตแ‰ฐแŠ•แˆแˆปแАแ‰ต แˆˆแˆ˜แŒ แ‰€แˆ แŠฅแ‹จแˆžแŠจแˆจ แˆ˜แˆ†แŠ‘แŠ• แАแ‹።

แ‹จแŠขแ‰ตแ‹ฎแŒตแ‹ซ แˆ•แ‹แ‰ฅ แ‹จแˆšแˆ˜แŠ˜แ‹ แ‹ฒแˆžแŠญแˆซแˆฒแ‹ซแ‹Š แˆˆแ‹แŒฅ แ‰ แˆฐแˆ‹แˆ›แ‹Š แˆ˜แŠ•แŒˆแ‹ต แ‰ แˆšแ‹ฐแˆจแŒ แ‰ตแŒแˆแŠ“ แ‰ แŒ แˆจแŒดแ‹› แ‹™แˆชแ‹ซ แ‰ แˆšแ‹ฐแˆจแŒ‰ แ‹‰แ‹ญแ‹ญแ‰ถแ‰ฝ แ‰ขแˆ˜แŒฃ แ‹จแŒแŠ•แ‰ฆแ‰ต 7 แˆแˆญแŒซ แˆ˜แˆ†แŠ‘แŠ• แŠ•แ‰…แŠ“แ‰„แ‹ซแ‰ฝแŠ• แ‰ แ‰ฐแ‹ฐแŒ‹แŒ‹แˆš แŒแˆแŒฝ แŠ แ‹ตแˆญแŒ“แˆ። แŒแŠ•แ‰ฆแ‰ต 7แŠ• แˆแˆˆแŒˆแ‰ฅ แ‰ตแŒแˆ แ‹แˆตแŒฅ แŠฅแŠ•แ‹ฒแŒˆแ‰ฃ แ‹ซแˆตแŒˆแ‹ฐแ‹ฐแ‹ แ‹จแ‹ˆแ‹ซแŠ” แŠฅแˆแ‰ขแ‰ฐแŠแАแ‰ตแŠ“ แŠฅแ‰ฅแˆชแ‰ต แ‰ฅแ‰ป แАแ‹።

แ‹จแŒแŠ•แ‰ฆแ‰ต 7 แˆฅแˆซ แŠ แˆตแˆแŒปแˆš แŠฎแˆšแ‰ด แ‹จแˆฐแˆžแŠ‘ แ‹จแ‹ˆแ‹ซแŠ” แ‹จแŠฅแŠ•แ‹ฐแˆซแ‹ฐแˆญ แˆ˜แˆแ‹•แŠญแ‰ต แŠฅแŠ•แ‹ฐแ‹ฐแˆจแˆฐแ‹ แ‰ แŒ‰แ‹ณแ‹ฉ แ‹™แˆชแ‹ซ แ‰ แˆฐแŠแ‹ แŠจแ‰ฐแ‹ˆแ‹ซแ‹จ แ‰ แŠ‹แˆ‹ แ‹ญแˆ… แŒ‰แ‹ณแ‹ญ แ‹จแŠขแ‰ตแ‹ฎแŒตแ‹ซแŠ• แˆ•แ‹แ‰ฅ แ‰ฃแŒ แ‰ƒแˆ‹แ‹ญ แŠฅแŠ•แŒ‚ แŒแŠ•แ‰ฆแ‰ต 7แŠ• แ‰ฅแ‰ป แ‹จแˆšแˆ˜แˆˆแŠจแ‰ต แŒ‰แ‹ณแ‹ญ แŠฅแŠ•แ‹ณแˆแˆ†แА แŠจแ‹ตแˆแ‹ณแˆœ แˆ‹แ‹ญ แ‹ฐแˆญแˆทแˆ። แ‹ญแˆ… แŒ‰แ‹ณแ‹ญ แ‹จแŠขแ‰ตแ‹ฎแŒตแ‹ซ แˆ•แ‹แ‰ฅ แˆˆแ‹ดแˆžแŠญแˆซแˆฒแ‹ซแ‹Š แˆฅแˆญแ‹“แ‰ต แŒแŠ•แ‰ฃแ‰ณ แŠจแˆšแ‹ซแ‹ฐแˆญแŒˆแ‹ แ‰ตแŒแˆแŠ“ แŠฅแ‹จแŠจแˆแˆˆ แŠซแˆˆแ‹ แˆ˜แˆตแ‹•แ‹‹แ‰ตแАแ‰ต แŒ‹แˆญ แ‰ แ‰€แŒฅแ‰ณ แŒแŠ•แŠ™แАแ‰ต แŠ แˆˆแ‹። แ‰ แˆ˜แˆ†แŠ‘แˆ፤ แˆˆแ‰€แˆจแ‰ แˆแŠ• แŒฅแ‹ซแ‰„ แŒแˆแŒฝ แˆ˜แˆแˆตแŠ“፤ แ‹ตแˆญแ‹ตแˆญ แˆตแˆˆแˆšแ‰ฃแˆˆแ‹ แŒ‰แ‹ณแ‹ญแˆ แ‹ซแˆˆแŠ•แŠ• แŠ แ‰‹แˆ แŒ‰แ‹ณแ‹ฉ แ‰ แ‰€แŒฅแ‰ณ แˆˆแˆšแˆ˜แˆˆแŠจแ‰ฐแ‹ แ‹จแŠขแ‰ตแ‹ฎแŒตแ‹ซ แˆ•แ‹แ‰ฅแŠ“ แ‹จแ‰ฐแˆˆแ‹ซแ‹ฉ แ‹จแ–แˆˆแ‰ฒแŠซ แ‹ตแˆญแŒ…แ‰ถแ‰ฝ แˆแˆ‰ แˆˆแˆ›แ‰…แˆจแ‰ฅ แ‹จแˆšแ‹ซแˆตแ‰ฝแˆ แ‰ฐแŒจแˆ›แˆช แŠ แŒ‹แŒฃแˆš แŠ แ‹ตแˆญแŒˆแŠ• แ‹ˆแˆตแ‹ฐแАแ‹‹แˆ። แ‰ แ‹šแˆ…แˆ แˆ˜แˆ แˆจแ‰ต แˆˆแ‰€แˆจแ‰ แˆแŠ• แŒฅแ‹ซแ‰„ แ‹จแˆฐแŒ แАแ‹‰แŠ• แˆ˜แˆแˆตแŠ“ แŠ แ‰‹แˆ›แ‰ฝแŠ•แŠ• แ‰ แ‹ตแˆญแŒ…แ‰ณแ‰ฝแŠ• แ‹ตแˆจ แŒˆแŒฝ แˆ‹แ‹ญแŠ“ แ‰ แˆŒแˆŽแ‰ฝ แˆ˜แŒˆแŠ“แŠ› แ‰ฅแ‹™แˆ€แŠ• แ‰ แŠฉแˆ แ‰ แ‹ญแ‹ แˆˆแˆ˜แŒแˆˆแŒฝ แ‹ˆแˆตแАแŠ“แˆ።

แ‰ แ‹ตแˆญแ‹ตแˆญ แˆตแˆˆแˆšแˆ˜แŒฃ แˆˆแ‹แŒฅ แ‹ซแˆˆแŠ• แ‹จแˆ˜แˆญแˆ… แŠ แˆ˜แˆˆแŠซแŠจแ‰ต:

แŠจแ‹šแˆ… แ‰ แŠแ‰ต แ‰ แ‰ฐแ‹ฐแŒ‹แŒ‹แˆš แˆˆแŠขแ‰ตแ‹ฎแŒตแ‹ซ แˆ•แ‹แ‰ฅ แŒแˆแŒฝ แŠฅแŠ•แ‹ณแ‹ฐแˆจแŒแАแ‹ แ‹ตแˆญแŒ…แ‰ณแ‰ฝแŠ• แŠจแˆแˆฅแˆจแ‰ณแ‹ แŒ€แˆแˆฎ แ‹จแ‰ตแŒแˆ แˆตแˆแ‰ฑแŠ• แˆฒแ‹ˆแˆตแŠ• แŠฅแˆแАแ‰ฑ แŠ แ‹ตแˆญแŒŽ แ‹จแ‰ฐแАแˆณแ‹ แ‹ดแˆžแŠญแˆซแˆฒแ‹ซแ‹Š แˆˆแ‹แŒฅ แ‰ แˆ€แŒˆแˆซแ‰ฝแŠ• แ‰ แˆฐแˆ‹แˆ›แ‹Š แˆ˜แŠ•แŒˆแ‹ตแŠ“ แ‰ แ‹ตแˆญแ‹ตแˆญ แ‰ขแˆ˜แŒฃ แ‰ แŠฅแŒ…แŒ‰ แ‹จแˆšแˆแˆแŒˆแ‹แŠ“ แ‹จแˆšแˆ˜แŠ˜แ‹ แˆ˜แˆ†แŠ‘แŠ• แАแ‹:: แ‹ตแˆญแŒ…แ‰ณแ‰ฝแŠ•แŠ• แ‹ˆแ‹ฐ แˆแˆˆแŠ•แ‰ฐแŠ“แ‹Š แ‰ตแŒแˆ แ‹จแŒˆแ‹แ‹ แ‰ แˆ˜แŒแ‰ขแ‹ซแ‹ แˆ‹แ‹ญ แŠฅแŠ•แ‹ฐแŒˆแˆˆแŒฝแАแ‹ แ‹จแ‹ˆแ‹ซแŠ” แŠฅแ‰ฅแˆชแ‰ต แ‰ฅแ‰ป แАแ‹:: แ‹จแ‰€แˆจแ‰ แˆแŠ• แˆแˆญแŒซ แ‰ แ‰ฃแˆญแАแ‰ตแŠ“ แ‰ แ‹แˆญแ‹ฐแ‰ต แˆ˜แŠ–แˆญ แ‹ˆแ‹ญแˆ แˆˆแАแƒแАแ‰ต แŠฅแ‹จแ‰ณแŒˆแˆแŠ• แˆ˜แˆžแ‰ต แ‰ขแˆ†แŠ• แŠ–แˆฎ แŠ•แ‰…แŠ“แ‰„แ‹ซแ‰ฝแŠ• แ‹จแˆšแˆ˜แˆจแŒ แ‹ แˆแŠ• แŒแ‹œแˆ แˆˆแАแƒแАแ‰ตแŠ“ แˆˆแŠ แŒˆแˆญ แŠ แŠ•แ‹ตแАแ‰ต แ‰ณแŒแˆŽ แ‰ แŠญแ‰ฅแˆญ แˆ˜แˆžแ‰ต แˆ˜แˆ†แŠ‘แŠ• แ‰ แ‰ฐแ‹ฐแŒ‹แŒ‹แˆš แˆˆแˆ•แ‹แ‰ฅ แŒแˆแŒฝ แŠ แ‹ตแˆญแŒˆแŠ“แˆ። แ‹ญแˆ… แ‹จแˆ›แ‹ญแŠ“แ‹ˆแŒฅ แŠ แ‰‹แˆ›แ‰ฝแŠ• แ‹ฐแŒแˆž แˆˆแ‹ญแˆแˆฐแˆ แ‹จแ‰ฐแ‰€แˆ˜แŒ  แŠ แ‰‹แˆ แˆณแ‹ญแˆ†แŠ• แŠจแˆแ‰ฃแ‰ฝแŠ• แ‹จแˆแŠ“แˆแŠ•แ‰ แ‰ตแŠ“ แŠขแ‰ตแ‹ฎแŒตแ‹ซแŠ• แŒจแˆแˆฎ แ‰ แ‹“แˆˆแˆ แ‹™แˆชแ‹ซ แ‹จแˆšแŒˆแŠ™ แŠ แ‰ฃแˆ‹แ‰ถแ‰ปแ‰ฝแŠ•แŠ• แ‹ซแˆฐแ‰ฃแˆฐแ‰ฅแŠ•แ‰ แ‰ต แŠ แ‰‹แˆ แАแ‹። แ‹›แˆฌ แ‰ แ‰ตแŒแˆ‰ แŒแŠ•แ‰ฃแˆญ แ‹จแˆแŠ•แŠ•แ‰€แˆณแ‰€แˆฐแ‹แŠ“ แ‹ˆแ‹ฐ แŒแ‰ฃแ‰ฝแŠ• แ‹จแˆšแ‹ˆแˆตแ‹ฐแŠ•แŠ• แ‰ฐแŒจแ‰ฃแŒญ แŠฅแˆญแˆแŒƒแ‹Žแ‰ฝ แŠฅแ‹จแ‹ˆแˆฐแ‹ตแŠ• แ‹ซแˆˆแАแ‹แˆ แ‰ แ‹šแˆ แŠ แ‰‹แˆ›แ‰ฝแŠ• แ‹™แˆชแ‹ซ แАแ‹‰።
แ‹ญแˆ… แŠ แ‰‹แˆ›แ‰ฝแŠ•แŠ“ แŠฅแˆแАแ‰ณแ‰ฝแŠ• แ‰ แŠ แŠ•แ‹ต แˆ‹แ‹ญ แŒŽแŠ• แˆˆแŒŽแŠ• แ‹จแˆšแˆ„แ‹ฑ แˆแˆˆแ‰ต แˆ˜แˆญแˆ†แ‰ฝแŠ• แŠ แŒฃแˆแˆฎ แ‹จแ‹ซแ‹˜ แАแ‹‰። แŠ แŠ•แ‹ฐแŠ›แ‹፣ แˆ‚แ‹ฐแ‰ตแŠ• แ‰ แˆšแˆ˜แˆˆแŠจแ‰ต แˆแˆŒแˆ แˆˆแ‹ตแˆญแ‹ตแˆญ แŠญแแ‰ต แˆ˜แˆ†แŠ‘แŠ• แ‹จแˆšแ‹ซแˆ˜แˆˆแŠญแ‰ต แˆฒแˆ†แŠ•፣ แˆแˆˆแ‰ฐแŠ›แ‹ แ‹ฐแŒแˆž፣ แ‹ญแˆ… แ‹จแ‹ตแˆญแ‹ตแˆญ แˆ‚แ‹ฐแ‰ต แŠฅแŠ•แ‹ฒแ‹ซแ‹ แˆˆแˆˆแ‰ แŒฃ แ‹จแˆšแ‹ฐแˆจแŒ แˆณแ‹ญแˆ†แŠ• แ‹ˆแ‹ฐแˆšแˆแˆˆแŒˆแ‹ แАแŒปแАแ‰ต แ‰ แŠ แАแˆตแ‰ฐแŠ› แˆ˜แˆตแ‹•แ‹‹แ‰ตแАแ‰ต แˆŠแ‹ซแ‹ฐแˆญแˆต แ‹ญแ‰ฝแˆ แŠจแˆ†แА แ‰ แˆฉแŠ• แˆ‹แˆˆแˆ˜แ‹แŒ‹แ‰ต แŠฅแŠ•แŒ‚፣ แ‰ แˆแŠ•แˆ แŠ แ‹ญแАแ‰ต แ‹‹แŠ“ แ‹แŒคแ‰ฑแŠ•፤ แˆ›แˆˆแ‰ตแˆ แŠขแ‰ตแ‹ฎแŒตแ‹ซแŠ• แŠฅแ‹แАแ‰ฐแŠ› แ‹ดแˆžแŠญแˆซแˆฒแ‹ซแ‹Š แˆ€แŒˆแˆญ แˆ›แ‹ตแˆจแŒแŠ•፤ แ‹จแˆšแ‰€แ‹ญแˆญ แ‹ˆแ‹ญแŠ•แˆ แŠจแ‹šแ‹ซ แ‹ซแАแˆฐ แ‹แŒคแ‰ตแŠ• แˆˆแˆ˜แ‰€แ‰ แˆ แˆ˜แแ‰€แ‹ตแŠ• แˆแŒฝแˆž แ‹จแˆ›แ‹ซแˆ˜แˆˆแŠญแ‰ต แˆ˜แˆ†แŠ‘แŠ• แАแ‹::
แ‰ แŠฅแŠ› แ‰ แŠฉแˆ แ‹ตแˆญแ‹ตแˆฉแŠ• แŠ แˆตแˆแˆ‹แŒŠแŠ“ แŒ แ‰ƒแˆš แ‹จแˆšแ‹ซแ‹ฐแˆญแŒ‰แ‰ต แˆ˜แАแˆป แ‹จแ–แˆˆแ‰ฒแŠซ แŠฅแˆณแ‰คแ‹Žแ‰ฝแˆ แŠจแŠฅแАแŠแˆ แˆแˆˆแ‰ต แˆ˜แŠ•แ‰ณ แŒˆแŒฝแ‰ณแ‹Žแ‰ฝ แ‹จแˆšแˆ˜แАแŒฉ แŠ“แ‰ธแ‹:: แ‰ แ‹ตแˆญแ‹ตแˆญ แˆˆแˆšแŒˆแŠ แแ‰ตแˆ€แ‹ŠแŠ“ แŠฅแ‹แАแ‰ฐแŠ› แ‹แŒคแ‰ต แŠญแแ‰ต แˆ˜แˆ†แŠ“แ‰ฝแŠ•แŠ• แˆแˆŒแˆ แŠฅแŠ“แˆณแ‹ซแˆˆแŠ•፤ แАแŒˆแˆญ แŒแŠ• แ‹ญแˆ…แŠ• แ‹จแˆแŠ“แ‹ฐแˆญแŒˆแ‹ แ‹จแˆ•แ‹แ‰ฅ แ‹จแˆฅแˆแŒฃแŠ• แ‰ฃแˆˆแ‰คแ‰ตแАแ‰ต แ‹จแ‰ฐแˆจแŒ‹แŒˆแŒ แ‰ฃแ‰ตแŠ• แŠขแ‰ตแ‹ฎแŒตแ‹ซแŠ• แŠฅแ‹แŠ• แˆ›แ‹ตแˆจแŒ แ‹จแˆšแŒ แ‹ญแ‰€แ‹แŠ• แˆ›แŠ•แŠ›แ‹แŠ•แˆ แˆ˜แˆตแ‹‹แ‹•แ‰ตแАแ‰ต แˆ˜แŠจแˆแˆ แŠ แˆˆแ‰ แ‰ต แ‹จแˆšแˆˆแ‹แŠ• แˆ˜แˆ แˆจแ‰ณแ‹Š แ‹จแŠ แŠซแˆ„แ‹ต แˆ˜แˆญแˆ… แ‰ แˆ˜แˆ˜แˆญแŠฎแ‹ แŠฅแŠ•แŒ‚ แˆ˜แˆญแˆ€แ‰ฝแŠ•แŠ• แˆˆแ‹ตแˆญแ‹ตแˆญ แˆˆแˆ›แ‰…แˆจแ‰ฅ แŠฅแŠ•แ‹ณแˆแˆ†แА แ‰ แŒแˆแŒฝ แˆ˜แ‰ณแ‹ˆแ‰… แ‹ญแŠ–แˆญแ‰ แ‰ณแˆ::

แˆตแˆˆแ‹šแˆ…แˆ:

แˆ€)    แ‹จแ‹ตแˆญแ‹ตแˆฉ แ‹แŒคแ‰ต แ‹จแŠขแ‰ตแ‹ฎแŒตแ‹ซแŠ• แˆ•แ‹แ‰ฅ แ‹จแˆฅแˆแŒฃแŠ• แ‰ฃแˆˆแ‰คแ‰ตแАแ‰ต แ‹ซแˆจแŒ‹แŒˆแŒ  แ‹จแ‹ดแˆžแŠญแˆซแˆฒแ‹ซแ‹Š แˆฅแˆญแ‹“แ‰ตแŠ• แ‰ แŠ แˆตแ‰ธแŠณแ‹ญ แŠฅแ‹แŠ• แˆ›แ‹ตแˆจแŒ แˆ˜แˆ†แŠ• แ‹ญแŠ–แˆญแ‰ แ‰ณแˆ:: แ‹ญแˆ… แ‹‹แŠ“แ‹ แŒแ‰ฅ แˆ†แŠ– แŠจแ‹šแˆ… แ‰ แˆ˜แˆˆแˆต แ‹จแˆšแŠ–แˆฉ แ‰ แˆ‚แ‹ฐแ‰ต แ‹จแˆšแŒˆแŠ™ แŠ แАแˆตแ‰ฐแŠ› แŒแ‰ฆแ‰ฝ แˆŠแŠ–แˆฉ แ‹ญแ‰ฝแˆ‹แˆ‰ (แˆˆแˆแˆณแˆŒ แ‹จแ–แˆˆแ‰ฒแŠซ แŠฅแˆตแˆจแŠžแ‰ฝ แˆ›แˆตแˆแ‰ณแ‰ต…แ‹ˆแ‹˜แ‰ฐ):: แˆ†แŠ–แˆ แ‰ แˆแŠ•แˆ แŠ แ‹ญแАแ‰ต แˆˆแŠฅแАแŠแˆ… แˆ˜แˆˆแˆตแ‰ฐแŠ› แŒแ‰ฆแ‰ฝ แ‰ฐแ‰ฅแˆŽ แ‹‹แŠ“แ‹แŠ• แŒแ‰ฅ แ‹จแˆšแ‹ซแˆณแŒฃ แ‹ˆแ‹ญแŠ•แˆ แŒŠแ‹œแ‹แŠ• แ‹ซแˆ‹แŒแ‰ฃแ‰ฅ แ‹จแˆšแ‹ซแˆตแˆจแ‹แˆ แ‹ตแˆญแ‹ตแˆญ፣ แ‹ตแˆญแ‹ตแˆญ แАแ‹ แ‰ฅแˆŽ แ‹ตแˆญแŒ…แ‰ณแ‰ฝแŠ• แŠ แ‹ญแ‰€แ‰ แˆแˆ። แˆตแˆˆแ‹šแˆ…แˆ แ‹‹แŠ“แ‹ แ‹จแ‹ตแˆญแŒ…แ‰ณแ‰ฝแŠ• แ‹“แˆ‹แˆ›แŠ“ แŒแ‰ฅ แ‹จแˆ†แАแ‹ แ‹จแŠขแ‰ตแ‹ฎแŒตแ‹ซ แˆ•แ‹แ‰ฅ แ‹จแˆฅแˆแŒฃแŠ• แ‰ฃแˆˆแ‰คแ‰ตแАแ‰ต ፣ แ‰ แแŒนแˆ แˆˆแ‹ตแˆญแ‹ตแˆญ แ‹จแˆšแ‰€แˆญแ‰ฅ แŒ‰แ‹ณแ‹ญ แŠ แ‹ญแ‹ฐแˆˆแˆ:: แ‰ แˆฅแˆแŒฃแŠ• แˆ‹แ‹ญ แ‰ฃแˆˆแ‹ แŠƒแ‹ญแˆ แ‰ แŠฉแˆ แ‹ˆแ‹ฐแ‹šแˆ… แŒแ‰ฅ แˆˆแˆ˜แ‹ตแˆจแˆต แ‰แˆญแŒ แŠแАแ‰ฑ แ‰ แˆŒแˆˆแ‰ แ‰ต แˆแŠ”แ‰ณ แ‰ แˆšแ‹ฐแˆจแŒ แˆ›แŠ•แŠ›แ‹แˆ แŠ แ‹ญแАแ‰ต แ‹ตแˆญแ‹ตแˆญ แ‹แˆตแŒฅ แŒแŠ•แ‰ฆแ‰ต 7 แŠ แ‹ญแˆณแ‰ฐแแˆ::

แˆˆ)  แ‰ แŒแŠ•แ‰ฆแ‰ต 7 แŠฅแˆแАแ‰ต แˆ›แŠ•แŠ›แ‹แˆ แ‹ตแˆญแ‹ตแˆญ แ‹ˆแ‹ซแŠ” แŠจแŒแŠ•แ‰ฆแ‰ต 7 แŒ‹แˆญ แ‰ แ‰ฐแŠ“แŒ แˆ แ‹จแˆšแ‹ซแ‹ฐแˆจแŒˆแ‹ แˆณแ‹ญแˆ†แŠ• แŒ‰แ‹ณแ‹ฉ แ‹จแˆšแˆ˜แˆˆแŠจแ‰ณแ‰ธแ‹แŠ• แˆแˆ‰แŠ•แˆ แ‹จแ–แˆˆแ‰ฒแŠซ แŠƒแ‹ญแˆŽแ‰ฝ แ‹ซแŠซแ‰ฐแ‰ฐ แˆ˜แˆ†แŠ• แ‹ญแŠ–แˆญแ‰ แ‰ณแˆ:: แ‹ตแˆญแŒ…แ‰ถแ‰ฝแŠ• แ‰ แ‰ฐแŠ“แŒ แˆ แŠฅแ‹จแˆˆแ‹ซแ‹ฉ “แŠฅแŠ•แ‹ฐแˆซแ‹ฐแˆญ” แˆ›แˆˆแ‰ต แ‰ แˆซแˆฑ แŒŠแ‹œแ‹ซแ‹Š แ‹จแ–แˆˆแ‰ฒแŠซ แŒฅแ‰…แˆ แˆตแˆŒแ‰ตแŠ• แ‹จแ‹ซแ‹˜ แŠฅแˆณแ‰ค แŠฅแŠ•แŒ‚፣ แ‰ แ‹˜แˆ‹แ‰‚แАแ‰ต แŠ แŒˆแˆชแ‰ฑแŠ• แŠฅแ‹แАแ‰ฐแŠ› แ‹ดแˆžแŠญแˆซแˆฒแ‹ซแ‹Š แŠ แŒˆแˆญ แˆˆแˆ›แ‹ตแˆจแŒ แˆ˜แˆแˆˆแŒแŠ• แŠ แ‹ซแˆ˜แˆˆแŠญแ‰ตแˆ:: แˆˆแŠ แŠ•แ‹ต แ‹ตแˆญแŒ…แ‰ต แˆˆแ‰ฅแ‰ปแ‹ แ‹จแˆšแˆ˜แŒฃ แ‹ˆแ‹ญแˆ แ‹จแˆšแŒ แ‰…แˆ แ‹ดแˆžแŠญแˆซแˆฒแ‹ซแ‹Š แˆฅแˆญแ‹“แ‰ต แ‹จแˆˆแˆ:: แ‹ดแˆžแŠญแˆซแˆฒแ‹ซแ‹Š แˆฅแˆญแ‹“แ‰ต แ‹จแˆ˜แแŒ แˆญ แแˆ‹แŒŽแ‰ต แ‹ซแˆˆแ‹ แ‹ตแˆญแ‹ตแˆญ แ‰ แŠ แŒˆแˆชแ‰ฑ แ‹ซแˆ‰แ‰ตแŠ• แ‹จแ‰ฐแˆˆแ‹ซแ‹ฉ แ‹จแ–แˆˆแ‰ฒแŠซแˆ แˆ†แА แ‹จแˆฒแ‰ชแŠญ แŠƒแ‹ญแˆŽแ‰ฝแŠ• แ‹ซแŠซแ‰ฐแ‰ฐแŠ“ แ‹ซแˆ˜แŠ‘แ‰ แ‰ต แˆ˜แˆ†แŠ• แ‹ญแŠ–แˆญแ‰ แ‰ณแˆ:: แ‹จแˆšแ‹ฐแˆจแŒˆแ‹ แ‹ตแˆญแ‹ตแˆญแˆ แˆ›แŠ• แ‰ แˆตแˆแŒฃแŠ• แˆ‹แ‹ญ แ‹ญแ‹แŒฃ แ‹ˆแ‹ญแŠ•แˆ แ‹จแ–แˆˆแ‰ฒแŠซ แˆตแˆแŒฃแŠ•แŠ• แ‰ฃแˆ‰แ‰ต แŠƒแ‹ญแˆŽแ‰ฝ แˆ˜แˆ€แŠจแˆ แŠฅแŠ•แ‹ดแ‰ต แŠฅแŠ“แŠจแ‹แแˆˆแ‹ แ‹จแˆšแˆ แ‹จแˆตแˆแŒฃแŠ• แ‰…แˆญแˆแ‰ต แ‹ตแˆญแ‹ตแˆญ แˆณแ‹ญแˆ†แŠ•፤ แˆ•แŒ‹แ‹ŠแŠ“ แ‹จแˆ•แ‹แ‰กแŠ• แ‹จแˆฅแˆแŒฃแŠ• แˆ‰แ‹“แˆ‹แ‹ŠแАแ‰ต แ‰ฃแˆจแŒ‹แŒˆแŒ  แˆแŠ”แ‰ณ แ‹จแ–แˆˆแ‰ฒแŠซ แˆตแˆแŒฃแŠ• แŠฅแŠ•แ‹ดแ‰ต แŠฅแŠ•แ‹ฐแˆšแ‹ซแ‹ แแ‰ตแˆ€แ‹Š แ‹จแˆ†แА แˆ‚แ‹ฐแ‰ตแŠ• แˆˆแˆ›แˆตแŒ€แˆ˜แˆญ แ‹จแˆšแ‹ฐแˆจแŒ แ‹ตแˆญแ‹ตแˆญ แˆ˜แˆ†แŠ• แŠ แˆˆแ‰ แ‰ต::

แˆ) แ‰€แ‹ฐแˆ แ‰ฅแˆˆแŠ• แŠฅแŠ•แ‹ฐแŒ แ‰€แˆตแАแ‹ แ‹ญแˆ… แŒ‰แ‹ณแ‹ญ แ‹จแˆšแˆ˜แˆˆแŠจแ‰ฐแ‹ แŠ แŠ•แ‹ตแŠ• แ‹ตแˆญแŒ…แ‰ต แ‹ˆแ‹ญแŠ•แˆ แ‹จแ–แˆˆแ‰ฒแŠซ แ‹ตแˆญแŒ…แ‰ถแ‰ฝแŠ• แ‰ฅแ‰ป แˆณแ‹ญแˆ†แŠ• แˆ˜แˆ‹แ‹แŠ• แ‹จแŠขแ‰ตแ‹ฎแŒตแ‹ซแŠ• แˆ•แ‹แ‰ฅ แАแ‹:: แ‹ญแˆ… แŠฅแˆตแŠจแˆ†แА แ‹ตแˆจแˆต แŠฅแŠ•แ‹ฒแˆ… แŠ แ‹ญแАแ‰ต แ‹ตแˆญแ‹ตแˆญ แŠจแˆ•แ‹แ‰ก แ‰ แ‰ฐแ‹ฐแ‰ แ‰€ แˆแŠ”แ‰ณ แ‰ แˆšแˆตแŒฅแˆญ แ‹จแˆšแŠซแˆ„แ‹ตแ‰ แ‰ต แˆแŠ•แˆ แˆแŠญแŠ•แ‹ซแ‰ต แ‹จแˆˆแˆ::

2)   แŠจแ‹šแˆ… แ‰ แŠแ‰ต แŠจแ‹ˆแ‹ซแŠ” แŒ‹แˆญ แŠจแ‰ฐแ‹ฐแˆจแŒ‰ แ‹ตแˆญแ‹ตแˆฎแ‰ฝ แ‹ซแŒˆแŠ˜แŠ“แ‰ธแ‹ แ‰ฐแˆ˜แŠญแˆฎแ‹Žแ‰ฝแŠ“ แŠจแ‹šแˆ… แ‰ แˆ˜แАแˆณแ‰ต แ‹ˆแ‹ฐแŠแ‰ต แ‰ แˆšแ‹ฐแˆจแŒ‰ แˆแŠ•แˆ แŠ แ‹ญแАแ‰ต แ‹ตแˆญแ‹ตแˆฎแ‰ฝ แŠฅแŠ•แ‹ณแ‹ญแ‹ฐแŒˆแˆ™ แˆˆแˆ˜แŒ แ‰ แ‰‚แ‹ซ แ‹จแˆšแˆ†แŠ‘ แŠจแŠ แˆแŠ‘ แˆ˜แ‹ˆแˆฐแ‹ต แ‹ซแˆˆแ‰ฃแ‰ธแ‹ แŠฅแˆญแˆแŒƒแ‹Žแ‰ฝ

แŠจแˆ›แŠ•แŠ›แ‹แˆ แ‹ˆแŒˆแŠ• แŒ‹แˆญ แ‹จแˆšแ‹ฐแˆจแŒ แ‹ตแˆญแ‹ตแˆญ แ‹จแ‰ฐแ‹ฐแˆซแ‹ณแˆชแ‹Žแ‰น แˆแŠ•แАแ‰ต፤ แ‹แˆตแŒฃแ‹Š แ‰ฃแˆ…แˆญแ‹ซแ‰ธแ‹แŠ•፤ แŠจแ‰ฐแˆˆแˆแ‹ถ แ‰ฐแŒแ‰ฃแˆซแ‰ธแ‹ แ‹ซแˆ‹แ‰ธแ‹แŠ• แ‰ฐแŠ แˆ›แŠ’แАแ‰ตแŠ“ แ‹ˆแ‹ฐแ‹šแˆ…แŠ›แ‹ แ‹ตแˆญแ‹ตแˆญ แ‹ซแˆ˜แŒฃแ‰ธแ‹แŠ• แˆแŠญแŠ•แ‹ซแ‰ถแ‰ฝ แ‰ แ‰ แ‰‚ แŠจแˆ˜แŒˆแŠ•แ‹˜แ‰ฅ แŒ‹แˆญ แ‰ฐแ‹ซแ‹ญแ‹ž แ‹จแˆšแ‰ณแ‹ญ แŒ‰แ‹ณแ‹ญ แАแ‹:: แ‰ƒแˆ‰แŠ• แŠ แŠญแ‰ฃแˆชแŠ“ แ‰ฐแ‹“แˆ›แŠ’ แŠจแˆ†แА แˆฐแ‹ แŒ‹แˆญ แ‹จแˆšแ‹ฐแˆจแŒ แ‹ตแˆญแ‹ตแˆญแŠ“ แ‹ซแˆˆแˆแ‹ แ‰ณแˆชแŠฉ แˆแŠ•แˆ แŠ แ‹ญแАแ‰ต แ‹จแ‰ฐแ‹“แˆ›แŠ’แАแ‰ต แ‰ฃแˆ…แˆญแ‹ญ แŠจแˆ›แ‹ซแˆณแ‹ญ แ‰กแ‹ตแŠ• แŒ‹แˆญ แ‹จแˆšแ‹ฐแˆจแŒ แ‹ตแˆญแ‹ตแˆญแˆ แˆ†แА แˆˆแ‹ตแˆญแ‹ตแˆฉ แ‹จแˆšแ‹ฐแˆจแŒ แ‹แŒแŒ…แ‰ต แˆˆแ‹จแ‰…แˆ แŠ“แ‰ธแ‹:: แ‹ญแˆ… แˆ›แˆˆแ‰ต แŒแŠ• แ‰ฐแ‹“แˆ›แŠ’แАแ‰ต แŠซแˆˆแ‹ แŠƒแ‹ญแˆ แŒ‹แˆญ แ‰ฅแ‰ป แАแ‹ แ‹ตแˆญแ‹ตแˆญ แ‹จแˆšแŠซแˆ„แ‹ฐแ‹ แˆ›แˆˆแ‰ต แŠ แ‹ญแ‹ฐแˆˆแˆ:: แ‰ แแŒนแˆ แ‰ฐแ‹“แˆ›แŠ’ แŠซแˆแˆ†แА แŠƒแ‹ญแˆ แŒ‹แˆญ แ‹จแˆšแ‹ฐแˆจแŒ แˆ›แŠ•แŠ›แ‹แˆ แ‹ตแˆญแ‹ตแˆญ แŒแŠ• แ‹ตแˆญแ‹ตแˆฉ แ‰ แŠฅแˆญแŒแŒฅแˆ แ‰ฐแŒแ‰ฃแˆซแ‹Š แˆŠแˆ†แŠ• แ‹จแˆšแ‰ฝแˆ แˆ˜แˆ†แŠ‘แŠ• แ‹จแˆšแ‹ซแˆณแ‹ฉ แŒ แŠ•แŠซแˆซ แˆ˜แŒ แ‰ แ‰‚แ‹ซแ‹Žแ‰ฝ (System of Verification) แŠฅแŠ•แ‹ฒแˆแˆ แŒแˆแŒฝ แ‹จแˆ˜แ‰ฐแŒแ‰ แˆชแ‹ซ แˆฅแˆญแ‹“แ‰ถแ‰ฝ (Implementation Mechanism) แˆฒแ‹ฐแˆจแŒ‰แˆˆแ‰ต แ‰ฅแ‰ป แАแ‹ แŠจแˆแˆญ แˆŠแ‹ˆแˆฐแ‹ต แ‹จแˆšแ‰ฝแˆˆแ‹:: แŠจแ‹šแˆ…แˆ แ‰ฃแˆปแŒˆแˆญ แŒแŠ• แˆ˜แŒ€แˆ˜แˆชแ‹ซแ‹แŠ‘ แ‹ˆแ‹ฐ แ‹ตแˆญแ‹ตแˆญ แ‹จแˆšแˆ˜แŒฃแ‹ แˆˆแŒŠแ‹œแ‹ซแ‹Š แ‹จแ–แˆˆแ‰ฒแŠซ แŒฅแ‰…แˆ แˆณแ‹ญแˆ†แŠ• แ‰ แŠฅแ‹‰แАแ‰ฐแŠ› แˆ˜แŠ•แˆแˆต แŠจแ‹ตแˆญแ‹ตแˆญ แ‹จแˆšแˆ˜แŒฃแ‹แŠ• แ‹แŒคแ‰ต แ‰ แˆ˜แˆแˆˆแŒ แˆ˜แˆ†แŠ‘แŠ• แ‹จแˆšแ‹ซแˆณแ‹ฉ “แ‹จแˆ˜แ‰ฐแˆ›แˆ˜แŠ›” แˆแˆแŠญแ‰ถแ‰ฝ แˆฒแ‹ซแˆณแ‹ญ แАแ‹ แ‰ แŠฅแˆญแŒแŒฅแˆ แ‹ˆแ‹ฐ แ‹ตแˆญแ‹ตแˆญ แ‹จแˆ˜แŒฃแ‹ แŠจแˆแ‰ก แ‹ตแˆญแ‹ตแˆฉแŠ•แŠ“ แŠจแ‹ตแˆญแ‹ตแˆฉ แ‹จแˆšแˆ˜แŒฃแ‹‰แŠ• แ‹‰แŒคแ‰ต แˆแˆแŒŽ แˆ˜แˆ†แŠ‘แŠ• แˆˆแˆ›แˆ˜แŠ• แ‹จแˆšแ‹ซแˆตแ‰ฝแˆˆแ‹::

แ‹ˆแ‹ซแŠ” แŠจแ‰ฐแ‰€แŠ“แ‰ƒแŠ แ‹ˆแŒˆแŠ–แ‰ฝ แŒ‹แˆญ “แ‹ตแˆญแ‹ตแˆญ” แˆฒแ‹ซแ‹ฐแˆญแŒ แ‹จแˆ˜แŒ€แˆ˜แˆชแ‹ซ แŒŠแ‹œแ‹‰ แŠ แ‹ญแ‹ฐแˆˆแˆ:: แŠฅแŠ› แŠฅแˆตแŠจแˆแŠ“แ‹แ‰€แ‹ แ‹ตแˆจแˆต แˆแŠ“แˆแ‰ฃแ‰ต แ‰ แŠƒแ‹ญแˆ แ‹ญแ‰ แˆแŒกแŠ›แˆ แ‰ฅแˆŽ แŠจแˆšแ‹ซแˆแŠ“แ‰ธแ‹ แ‹ˆแŒˆแŠ–แ‰ฝ แŒ‹แˆญ แŠซแˆแˆ†แА แ‰ แˆตแ‰ฐแ‰€แˆญ፣ แ‰ แˆจแˆƒ แŠจแАแ‰ แˆจแ‰ แ‰ต แŒŠแ‹œ แŒ€แˆแˆฎ แ‰ แˆ›แŠ•แŠ›แ‹แˆ แŒŠแ‹œ แˆˆแ‰ƒแˆ‰ แ‰ณแˆ›แŠ፤ แˆˆแˆ˜แˆญแˆ แŠฅแ‹แАแ‰ฐแŠ›፤ แˆˆแ‹ฐแˆจแˆฐแ‰ แ‰ต แˆตแˆแˆแАแ‰ต แ‰ฐแŒˆแ‹ข แˆ†แŠ– แŠ แ‹ซแ‹แ‰…แˆ:: แ‹ญแˆแ‰แŠ•แˆ แˆถแˆตแ‰ฐแŠ› แŠ แ‹ฐแˆซแ‹ณแˆช แ‹ˆแŒˆแŠ–แ‰ฝแŠ• แ‰ แˆšแ‹ซแˆธแˆ›แ‰…แ‰…แŠ“ แ‰ แˆšแ‹ซแˆณแแˆญ แˆ˜แˆแŠฉ แ‹แˆธแ‰ตแŠ• แŠฅแŠ•แ‹ฐ แŠ แ‹‹แ‰‚แАแ‰ต፤ แˆ›แŒญแ‰ แˆญแ‰ แˆญแŠ• แŠฅแŠ•แ‹ฐ แ‰ฅแˆแŒ แ‰ต፤ แ‹จแ‰ฐแˆตแˆ›แˆ›แ‰ แ‰ตแŠ• แ‰ แŒˆแˆ€แ‹ต แˆ›แแˆจแˆตแŠ• แŠฅแŠ•แ‹ฐ แ‹จแŠ แˆ˜แˆซแˆญ แ‰ฅแˆแˆ€แ‰ต แŠ แ‹ตแˆญแŒŽ แ‹จแˆšแ‹ซแ‹ญ፤ แˆแŠ•แˆ แŠฅแแˆจแ‰ตแŠ“ แŒจแ‹‹แАแ‰ต แ‹จแˆšแ‰ฃแˆ แАแŒˆแˆญ แ‹ซแˆแˆแŒ แˆจแ‰ แ‰ต แŠฅแŠฉแ‹ญ แŠƒแ‹ญแˆ แАแ‹:: แŠจแˆซแˆฑ แ‹จแ‹ตแˆญแŒ…แ‰ต แŒฅแ‰…แˆแŠ“ แ‰ แˆตแˆแŒฃแŠ• แŠจแˆšแŒˆแŠ แ‹จแ‹แˆญแŠแ‹ซ แˆ€แ‰ฅแ‰ต แˆ›แŠซแ‰ แ‰ต แ‰ฃแˆปแŒˆแˆญ፤ แˆˆแŠ แŒˆแˆญ แ‹˜แˆ‹แ‰‚ แŒฅแ‰…แˆ แ‰ฅแˆŽ แ‹จแˆซแˆฑแŠ• แŒฅแ‰…แˆ แŠ แˆณแˆแŽ แ‹จแˆšแ‹ˆแˆตแ‹ฐแ‹ แˆแŠ•แˆ แŠฅแˆญแˆแŒƒ แŠฅแŠ•แ‹ฐแˆŒแˆˆ แ‰ แ‰ฐแŒแ‰ฃแˆญ แ‰ แ‰ฐแ‹ฐแŒ‹แŒ‹แˆš แ‹ซแˆจแŒ‹แŒˆแŒ แˆแŠ• แŠƒแ‹ญแˆ แАแ‹:: แ‰ แŒแŠ•แ‰ฆแ‰ต 7 แ‹แˆตแŒฅ แ‹ซแˆˆแŠ• แ‹ˆแŒˆแŠ–แ‰ฝ แ‹ญแˆ…แŠ•แŠ• แ‹จแ‹ˆแ‹ซแŠ” แ‰ฃแˆ…แˆญแ‹ญ แ‰ แŠ•แ‹ตแˆ แˆ€แˆณแ‰ฅ แ‹ฐแˆจแŒƒ แˆŒแˆŽแ‰ฝ แŒฝแˆแ‹แ‰ต แ‹ซแАแ‰ แ‰ฅแАแ‹ แˆณแ‹ญแˆ†แŠ•፣ แŠฅแˆซแˆณแ‰ฝแŠ• แ‰ แ‰ฐแŒแ‰ฃแˆญ แ‰ แ‰ฐแˆณแ‰ตแˆแŠ•แ‰ แ‰ต แˆ‚แ‹ฐแ‰ต แ‹ซแŒˆแŠ˜แАแ‹ แŒฅแˆแ‰… แŒแŠ•แ‹›แ‰ค แАแ‹:: แ‹ญแˆ…แŠ•แŠ• แ‹ฐแŒแˆž แ‰ แŠ แŠ•แ‹ต แŠ แŒ‹แŒฃแˆš แ‰ฅแ‰ป แˆณแ‹ญแˆ†แŠ• แŠจแ‹ตแˆญแŒ…แ‰ฑ แ‰ณแˆชแŠญ แŒ‹แˆญ แ‹จแ‰ฐแŒฃแ‰ แ‰€፤ แ‰ แŠ แˆ˜แˆซแˆญ แŠ แ‰ฃแˆ‹แ‰ฑ แˆ‹แ‹ญ แŠฅแŠ•แ‹ฐ แŒแˆ แ‰ฃแˆ…แˆญแ‹ญ แ‹จแˆฐแˆจแŒธ แˆ˜แˆ†แŠ‘แŠ• แŠฅแˆตแŠญแŠ•แŒˆแАแ‹˜แ‰ฅ แ‹ตแˆจแˆต แ‰ แ‰ฐแ‹ฐแŒ‹แŒ‹แˆš แ‹จแ‰ฐแˆ˜แˆˆแŠจแ‰ตแАแ‹ แАแ‹:: แˆตแˆˆแ‹šแˆ…แˆ แŠจแ‹šแˆ… แŠƒแ‹ญแˆ แ‰ แŠฉแˆ แ‹จแˆšแˆ˜แŒฃแŠ• แ‹จ “แŠฅแŠ•แ‹ฐแˆซแ‹ฐแˆญ” แŒฅแ‹ซแ‰„ แŠจแ‹šแˆ… แ‰ แŠแ‰ต แŠฅแŠ•แ‹ณแ‹ฐแˆจแŒˆแ‹ แˆˆแŒˆแ‰ฃแ‰ แ‰ต แ‹จแ–แˆˆแ‰ฒแŠซ แ‹แŒฅแˆจแ‰ต แˆ›แˆตแ‰ฐแŠ•แˆแˆป፣ แˆˆแ‹แˆธแ‰ต แ•แˆฎแ“แŒ‹แŠ•แ‹ณแ‹ แˆ˜แŒ แ‰€แˆšแ‹ซ፤ แˆˆแŒŠแ‹œแ‹ซแ‹Š แ‹จแ–แˆˆแ‰ฒแŠซ แ‰ตแˆญแ แˆ˜แˆฐแ‰ฅแˆฐแ‰ขแ‹ซ፤ แ‹จแ‹ดแˆžแŠญแˆซแˆฒ แ‰ณแŒ‹แ‹ฎแ‰ฝแŠ• แ‰ตแŒฅแ‰… แˆ›แˆตแˆแ‰บแ‹ซแŠ“ แ‹ˆแŠ” แˆ˜แˆตแˆˆแ‰ขแ‹ซ แŠ แ‹ตแˆญแŒŽ แŠฅแŠ•แ‹ฒแŒ แ‰€แˆแ‰ แ‰ต แ‰ แแŒนแˆ แŠ แŠ•แˆแ‰…แ‹ตแˆˆแ‰ตแˆ:: แˆตแˆˆแ‹šแˆ…แˆ แŠจแˆ‹แ‹ญ แ‰ แˆ˜แˆญแˆ… แ‹ฐแˆจแŒƒ แŠจแŒ แ‰€แˆตแŠ“แ‰ธแ‹ แˆถแˆตแ‰ต แŒ‰แ‹ณแ‹ฎแ‰ฝ แ‰ แ‰ฐแŒจแˆ›แˆช แˆแŠ•แˆ แ‹“แ‹ญแАแ‰ต แ‹ตแˆญแ‹ตแˆญ แŠจแˆ˜แ‹ฐแˆจแŒ‰ แ‰ แŠแ‰ต แ‹ˆแ‹ซแŠ” แŒ‰แ‹ณแ‹ฉแŠ• แŠจแˆแˆญ แ‹จแ‹ˆแˆฐแ‹ฐแ‹ แˆ˜แˆ†แŠ‘แŠ• แ‹จแˆšแ‹ซแˆณแ‹ฉ “แ‹จแˆ˜แ‰ฐแˆ›แˆ˜แŠ›” แŠฅแˆญแˆแŒƒแ‹Žแ‰ฝ แˆ˜แ‹แˆฐแ‹ต แŠ แˆˆแ‰ แ‰ต แ‰ฅแˆˆแŠ• แŠฅแŠ“แˆแŠ“แˆˆแŠ•::

แŠฅแАแŠแˆ…แˆ፣

แˆ€)  แˆแˆ‰แŠ•แˆ แ‹จแ–แˆˆแ‰ฒแŠซ แŠฅแˆตแˆจแŠžแ‰ฝ፤ แŒ‹แ‹œแŒ แŠžแ‰ฝ፤ แ‹จแˆฐแ‰ฅแŠ แ‹Š แˆ˜แ‰ฅแ‰ต แ‰ฐแˆŸแŒ‹แ‰พแ‰ฝ แ‹ซแˆˆแˆแŠ•แˆ แ‰…แ‹ตแˆ˜ แˆแŠ”แ‰ณ แˆ˜แแ‰ณแ‰ต:: แ‹ญแˆ… แ‹ฐแŒแˆž แ‰ แŒแˆแŒฝ     แ‹จแˆšแ‰ณแ‹ˆแ‰ แŠฅแˆตแˆจแŠžแ‰ฝแŠ• แ‰ฅแ‰ป แˆณแ‹ญแˆ†แŠ• แ‰ แ‹ตแ‰ฅแ‰… แ‹จแ‰ฐแ‰‹แ‰‹แˆ™ แˆ›แŒŽแˆชแ‹ซแŠ“ แˆ›แˆฐแ‰ƒแ‹ซ แ‰คแ‰ถแ‰ฝ แ‹ซแˆ‰แ‰ตแŠ• แˆแˆ‰ แˆ›แŒ แ‰ƒแˆˆแˆ แŠ แˆˆแ‰ แ‰ต።
แˆˆ แ‰ แˆ•แ‹แ‰ฅ แ‰ แ‰ฐแˆˆแ‹ญ แ‰ แ‰ฐแ‰ƒแ‹Žแˆš แŠƒแ‹ญแˆŽแ‰ฝ แˆ‹แ‹ญ แ‹ˆแ‹ซแŠ” แ‰ แ‹จแ‰€แŠ‘ แŠฅแ‹ซแŠซแˆ„แ‹ฐ แ‹ซแˆˆแ‹แŠ• แ‹ˆแŠจแ‰ฃแŠ“ แŠฅแŠ•แŒแˆแ‰ต แ‰ฃแˆตแ‰ธแŠณแ‹ญ แˆ›แ‰†แˆ፣ แˆฐแ‰ฅแ‹“แ‹ŠแŠ“ แ‹จแ‹œแŒแАแ‰ต แˆ˜แ‰ฅแ‰ณแ‰ธแ‹แŠ• แˆ›แŠญแ‰ แˆญ แŠ แˆˆแ‰ แ‰ต።
แˆ)   แ‰ แ–แˆˆแ‰ฒแŠซ แˆแŠญแŠ•แ‹ซแ‰ต แŠจแ‹šแˆ… แ‰ แŠแ‰ต แ‹จแ‰ฐแ‹ˆแˆฐแ‹ฑ แˆแˆ‰แˆ แ‹“แ‹ญแАแ‰ต แแˆญแ‹ต แ‰ฐแ‰ฅแ‹ฎ แ‹แˆณแŠ”แ‹Žแ‰ฝ แŠฅแŠ•แ‹ฒแˆปแˆฉ แˆ›แ‹ตแˆจแŒ፤ แ‰ แˆ‚แ‹ฐแ‰ต แˆ‹แ‹ญ แ‹ซแˆ‰ แŠจแ–แˆˆแ‰ฒแŠซ แŒ‹แˆญ แ‹จแ‰ฐแ‹ซแ‹ซแ‹™ แˆแŠ•แˆ แŠ แ‹ญแАแ‰ต แŠญแˆถแ‰ฝแŠ• แˆ›แ‰‹แˆจแŒฅ แŠ แˆˆแ‰ แ‰ต።
แˆ˜)   แˆ•แ‹แ‰ฅแŠ• แ‰ แแˆญแˆƒแ‰ตแŠ“ แ‰ แˆตแŒ‹แ‰ต แˆˆแˆ›แ‰†แ‹จแ‰ต แˆ†แА แ‰ฐแ‰ฅแˆˆแ‹ แ‹จแ‹ˆแŒก แŠ แ‹แŠ แˆ…แŒŽแ‰ฝแŠ• แ‰ แŠ แˆตแ‰ธแŠณแ‹ญ แˆ›แŠ•แˆณแ‰ต แŠ แˆˆแ‰ แ‰ต።
แˆ )   แˆ›แŠ•แŠ›แ‹แˆ แ‹ตแˆญแ‹ตแˆญ แŒˆแˆˆแˆแ‰ฐแŠ› แ‹จแˆ†แŠ‘ แˆถแˆตแ‰ฐแŠ› แ‹ˆแŒˆแŠ–แ‰ฝ แ‰ฃแˆ‰แ‰ แ‰ต፤ แ‹จแ‹ตแˆญแ‹ตแˆฉ แˆ‚แ‹ฐแ‰ต แ‰ แˆแˆตแˆแŠ“ แ‰ แ‹ตแˆแŒฝ แ‰ฐแ‰€แˆญแŒพ แ‰ แŒˆแˆˆแˆแ‰ฐแŠ› แ‹ˆแŒˆแŠ–แ‰ฝ แŠฅแŒ… แ‰ฅแ‰ป แ‹จแˆšแ‰€แˆ˜แŒฅ፣ แ‹จแ‹ตแˆญแ‹ตแˆฉ แ‰ฆแ‰ณแˆ แ‹จแ‰ฐแ‹ฐแˆซแ‹ณแˆช แ‹ˆแŒˆแŠ–แ‰ฝ แ‰ แŒ‹แˆซ แ‰ แˆšแˆตแˆ›แˆ™แ‰ แ‰ต แ‰ฆแ‰ณ แˆ˜แˆ†แŠ‘แŠ• แˆ˜แ‰€แ‰ แˆแŠ“ แ‹ญแˆ…แŠ•แŠ•แˆ แ‰ แŒแˆแŒฝ แˆˆแŠขแ‰ตแ‹ฎแŒตแ‹ซ แˆ•แ‹แ‰ฅ แˆ›แˆณแ‹ˆแ‰… แŠ แˆˆแ‰ แ‰ต።

แŠฅแАแŠแˆ… แŠจแˆ‹แ‹ญ แ‹ซแˆตแ‰€แˆ˜แŒฅแŠ“แ‰ธแ‹ แ‰ แ‹ˆแ‹ซแŠ” แ‰ แŠฉแˆ แ‹จแˆšแ‹ˆแˆฐแ‹ฑ “แ‹จแˆ˜แ‰ฐแˆ›แˆ˜แŠ›” แŠฅแˆญแˆแŒƒแ‹Žแ‰ฝ แˆˆแ‰ฐแ‰ƒแ‹‹แˆšแ‹Žแ‰ฝ แ‰ฐแ‰ฅแˆŽ แ‹จแˆšแ‹ˆแˆฐแ‹ฑ แŠฅแˆญแˆแŒƒแ‹Žแ‰ฝ แŠ แ‹ญแ‹ฐแˆ‰แˆ:: แ‹ˆแ‹ซแŠ” แŠฅแАแ‹šแˆ…แŠ• แŠฅแˆญแˆแŒƒแ‹Žแ‰ฝ แˆˆแˆ˜แ‹แˆฐแ‹ต แ‰แˆญแŒ แŠแАแ‰ต แˆณแ‹ญแŠ–แˆจแ‹ แˆˆแŠฅแ‹แАแ‰ฐแŠ› แ‹ดแˆžแŠญแˆซแˆฒแ‹ซแ‹Š แˆฅแˆญแ‹“แ‰ต แˆ˜แˆ˜แˆตแˆจแ‰ต แ‹จแˆšแ‹ฐแˆจแŒ แ‹ตแˆญแ‹ตแˆญ แˆ‹แ‹ญ แŠจแˆแˆญ แ‹ญแˆณแ‰ฐแ‹แˆ แ‰ฅแˆˆแŠ• แˆ›แˆ˜แŠ• แ‰ แแŒนแˆ แˆตแˆˆแˆ›แŠ•แ‰ฝแˆ แАแ‹ ::
แŠฅแˆตแŠจแ‹šแ‹ซแ‹ แ‹ตแˆจแˆต แŒแŠ• แŒแŠ•แ‰ฆแ‰ต 7แˆ แˆ†แА แˆŒแˆŽแ‰ฝ แˆˆแ‹ดแˆžแŠญแˆซแˆฒแ‹ซแ‹Š แˆฅแˆญแ‹“แ‰ต แˆ˜แˆ˜แˆตแˆจแ‰ต แ‰ แ‰แˆญแŒ แŠแАแ‰ต แ‹จแˆแŠ•แ‰ณแŒˆแˆ แŠƒแ‹ญแˆŽแ‰ฝ፣ แ‹ˆแ‹ซแŠ” แŠฅแАแŠแˆ…แŠ• แ‹จแˆ˜แ‰ฐแˆ›แˆ˜แŠ› แŠฅแˆญแˆแŒƒแ‹Žแ‰ฝ แŠฅแˆตแŠชแ‹ˆแˆตแ‹ตแŠ“ แ‰€แ‹ฐแˆ แ‰ฅแˆˆแ‹ แ‰ แ‰ฐแ‰€แˆ˜แŒกแ‰ต แˆ˜แˆญแˆ†แ‰ฝ แˆ˜แˆ แˆจแ‰ต แ‰ แˆšแ‹ฐแˆจแŒ แ‹ตแˆญแ‹ตแˆญ แ‰ แ‰ฐแŒแ‰ฃแˆญ แˆŠแˆ˜แАแ‹˜แˆญ แ‹จแˆšแ‰ฝแˆ แˆตแˆแˆแАแ‰ต፣ แŠ แˆแŽแˆ แˆˆแˆแŠ•แˆ แŠ แ‹ญแАแ‰ต แˆ›แŒญแ‰ แˆญแ‰ แˆญแŠ“ แˆ˜แŠ•แˆธแˆซแ‰ฐแ‰ต แŠฅแ‹ตแˆ แ‹จแˆ›แ‹ญแˆฐแŒฅ แŒ แŠ•แŠซแˆซ แˆ˜แŒ แ‰ แ‰‚แ‹ซแ‹Žแ‰ฝ แˆ˜แŠ–แˆซแ‰ธแ‹ แŠฅแˆตแŠชแˆจแŒ‹แŒˆแŒฅ แ‹ตแˆจแˆต፣ แ‹จแŒ€แˆ˜แˆญแАแ‹แŠ• แ‰ตแŒแˆ แ‹ญแ‰ แˆแŒฅ แŠ แŒ แŠ“แŠญแˆจแŠ• แ‹จแˆแŠ•แŒˆแ‹แ‰ แ‰ต แŠฅแŠ•แŒ‚ แ‰ แˆแŠ•แˆ แŠ แ‹ญแАแ‰ต แˆˆแŠ แŠ•แ‹ต แŠ แแ‰ณแˆ แ‰ขแˆ†แŠ• แ‰ แ‹ตแˆญแ‹ตแˆญ แˆตแˆ แ‹จแˆ›แŠ•แ‹˜แŠ“แŒ‹ แˆ˜แˆ†แŠ‘แŠ• แŠ แ‰ แŠญแˆจแŠ• แŠฅแŠ“แˆตแ‰ณแ‹แ‰ƒแˆˆแŠ•::

แ‹จแŒแŠ•แ‰ฆแ‰ต 7: แ‹จแแ‰ตแˆ…፣ แ‹จแАแƒแАแ‰ตแŠ“ แ‹จแ‹ฒแˆžแŠญแˆซแˆฒ แŠ•แ‰…แŠ“แ‰„ แˆฅแˆซ แŠ แˆตแˆแŒปแˆš แŠฎแˆšแ‰ด፣
แŠ…แ‹ณแˆญ 23፣ 2006 แ‹“:แˆ